Chapter 5.4 Bodily conditions and activities

Malcolm Ross and Meredith Osmond

1. Introduction⇫

This chapter is complementary to chapter 3 on the human body. Whereas the latter is devoted to the nouns that label the parts of the body, the present chapter is dedicated to events and states that are associated with the body’s natural processes. Events in this context include both processes that occur spontaneously (sweating, breathing, snoring) and deliberate activities like eating, drinking and copulating. In between these two extremes are numerous events the agentivity of which is open to question: sleeping, belching, yawning, defecating, laughing, crying and so on.

The chapter begins with events and states relating to life, death and reproduction (§2). These are followed by events and states that have to do with eating, drinking and the digestive organs (§3). Then follow events concerned with the emission or elimination of bodily substances (§4), with breathing and the respiratory organs (§5), with sleeping and waking (§6), with physical responses to emotion, pain or cold (§7), and with body temperature (§8). A separate chapter, ch.5, deals with terms relating to sickness and health. The line drawn between this chapter and ch.5 is at times somewhat arbitrary. Terms denoting itching, dizziness and pain are handled in ch.5.

One might think because the subject matter of this chapter deals with aspects of the life of all human beings, culture would impinge less here that in other areas of the lexicon. Perhaps this is true, but there are a surprising number of points in this chapter where culture, broadly conceived, is encapsulated in lexical choices. Although there was a general POc term for drinking, drinking was also subdivided into two different physical acts (§3.2.1). One was pouring liquid down the throat without the vessel touching the lips, a practice which probably has its roots in drinking coconut water from a small hole in the shell. The other was sipping and slurping liquid directly from a vessel. Similarly, chewing and sucking also each constituted more than one activity, depending on what was chewed (§3.1.2) or what was sucked on (§3.2.2–3). Certain sucking noises served as signals of refusal or attention-getting (§§3.6.1–2), whilst kissing appears to have lacked a distinct label. In Central Pacific languages what other languages commonly conceive as the states of being hungry, thirsty and sleepy are commonly conceived as desires: ‘want to eat’ (§3.3.1), ‘want to drink’ (§3.3.2) and ‘want to sleep’ (§6.2.1).

2. Living, dying, reproducing and growing⇫

2.1. Living, dying and being healthy⇫

The principal POc verbs for ‘be alive’ and ‘die, be dead’ have an interesting and complementary range of meanings. The verb *maqurip is glossed ‘be alive, live, flourish; be in good health, recover health’, whilst *mate is glossed ‘be dead, die; be unconscious, numb, paralysed, lose consciousness; die, of fire or light’. These ranges of meaning are continued in many modern Oceanic languages.

Like many verbs denoting states, both these verbs and their reflexes may also be used inchoatively, i.e. of coming to be in a state (§1.3.5.1). This explains why *maqurip and many of its reflexes mean both ‘be in good health’ and ‘recover health’, and why *mate and many of its reflexes mean both ‘be dead’ and ‘die’, as well as ‘be unconscious’ and ‘faint, become unconscious’.

The semantically interesting feature of these two verbs is that they were used not only to denote living and dying, but that they were also used of a person’s state of health or consciousness. Someone in good health or recovering their health was labelled *maqurip ‘alive’ or ‘coming alive’. Someone unconscious or fainting was labelled *mate ‘dead’ or ‘dying’.

2.1.1. Being alive⇫

Two POc intransitive verbs had the meaning ‘be alive’. One, POc *mañawa ‘breath, breathe, be alive; fontanel; rest’ evidently had the central meaning ‘breathe’ and is presented with a detailed discussion in §5.1. The other, *maqurip had the central meaning ‘be alive’ but, as mentioned above, it inherited a wider set of meanings from PMP *qudip which Blust (ACD) describes as ‘a dominance of vitality as manifested in growth, flourishing, and being healthy, fresh (of plants), or green (of plants, wood)’.

PAn		*qudip	‘life, alive’ (ACD)
POc		*maqurip	‘be alive, live, flourish; be in good health, recover health’
Adm	Mussau	maulue	‘living’
Adm	Nyindrou	muli-n	‘alive, living’
NNG	Manam	muauri-uri	‘living’
NNG	Mengen	mauli	‘alive, have life’
PT	Sinaugoro	maɣuli	‘live, be alive’
PT	Motu	mauri	[N] ‘life’; [VI] ‘be alive’
MM	Vitu	maɣuri	‘living’
MM	Vitu	(va)maɣuri	‘heal’
MM	Bulu	maɣuli(ka)	‘living’
MM	Nakanai	mahuli	‘be in good health; come to life’
MM	Nakanai	mahuli-huli	‘be in good health; come to life; to live, survive (of a sickly baby or the victim of an attack)’
SES	Gela	mauri	‘living; green, blue; real, solid’
SES	Longgu	mauri	‘live, grow, be alive’
SES	Sa’a	mauri	[VI] ‘live, be alive, recover health’
SES	Lau	mouri	‘be alive’
SES	Kwaio	mauli	‘alive’
SES	Arosi	mauri	‘be in good health, live, flourish’
NCV	Mota	maur	‘live, remain alive’
NCV	Kiai	mauri	‘live; life, soul’
NCV	Raga	mauri	‘grow’
NCV	Uripiv	-maur	‘alive, growing’
NCV	Labo	muox	‘be healthy, grow; take root, sprout’
NCV	West Ambrym	mau	‘be alive, be growing (of plants), get well (after sickness)’
NCV	Paamese	maul	‘well, alive; be growing (of plants), get well (after sickness); health’
NCV	Nguna	mauri	‘live, alive, healthy’
SV	Sye	o-murep	‘alive’
SV	Anejom̃	u-mu	‘alive’
NCal	Ajië	mɔrɔ	‘well; health’
NCal	Xârâcùù	muru	‘well; health’
NCal	Iaai	mʷəəṭ	‘alive’
PMic		*mauri	‘alive’ (Bender et al. 2003)
Mic	Kiribati	maiu	‘be alive, live, be in comfortable condition of mind or body’
Mic	Kiribati	mauri	‘well; health’ (Polynesian loan)
Mic	Marshallese	mour	‘live; life; existence; alive; recover; exist; cured’
Mic	Woleaian	maʉr	‘be fresh, green, alive (as of plants)’
Mic	Mokilese	mowr	‘be alive, fresh, raw; life’
Mic	Ponapean	mowr	‘alive, raw’
Mic	Pulo Annian	maɨlɨ	‘be alive (of plants), green’
Fij	Rotuman	mauri	‘live, be alive; be going (of clock, engine etc.); be alight (of fire, lamp); living; life’
Pn	Tongan	moʔui	‘to live, be living or alive; be in health; recover (esp. from a serious illness)’
Pn	Samoan	mauli	‘seat of the emotions (localised in the solar plexus)’
Pn	Samoan	maʔuŋi	‘life principle or spark; be alive, brought back to life; in good health; to grow well or thrive’
Pn	Tikopia	mauri	[N] ‘spirit, life principle; vitality of man or animal; essence of material objects’
Pn	Pukapukan	mauli	‘soul, spirit’
Pn	Rarotongan	mauri	‘life principle, spirit; set of the emotions; spirit, ghost’
Pn	Māori	mauri	[N] ‘life principle, source of emotions’

The coexistence of PPn *maquri ‘live, alive’ continuing POc *maqurip above and PPn *ola ‘be alive, well, healthy; recover from illness’ poses a semantic question. Why would two PPn terms coexist for what is apparently the same concept? The answer may be found in the comparison of Wayan Fijian ðola with PPn *sola ‘flee, escape danger’. The Wayan gloss reads (1) ‘be alive, living, live’; (2) ‘survive, escape danger’; (3) ‘recover from illness’; (4) ‘be healthy, well’; (5) ‘(of living things) grow, thrive, flourish’. Meaning 2, ‘survive, escape danger’, accords with PPn *sola whose reflexes consistently mean ‘flee’. What Wayan includes within one term PPn evidently separated into *sola ‘flee, escape danger’ and *ola ‘be alive, well, healthy, recover from illness’, with almost no overlap of meaning.

Many Polynesian languages retain reflexes of both POc *maqurip and PPn *ola. Each Polynesian language distinguishes the two terms by various subtleties of meaning. Eastern Polynesian languages tend to use reflexes of *maqurip to denote matters of the spirit and consciousness while *ola reflexes are concerned more with physical health.

PPn		*ola	‘be alive, well, healthy; recover from illness’
Pn	Niuean	ola	‘life, health’
Pn	Tongan	ola	‘recover from illness, be successful’
Pn	Rennellese	oga	‘restore to health’
Pn	Pukapukan	ola	‘flourish, live, life’
Pn	Samoan	ola	(1) ‘live, be alive’; (2) ‘recover health’; (3) ‘grow, increase’; (4) ‘give birth’; [N] ‘life’
Pn	Tikopia	ora	(1) ‘spirit; soul; life’; (2) ‘vital essence of plants’; [V] ‘live, come to life, survive’
Pn	Māori	ora	(1) ‘alive’; (2) ‘well in health’; (3) ‘safe’

cf. also:

SES	Gela	vola	‘living, life, to live; be in good health’; [VT] ‘to make live, to save’
Fij	Rotuman	ora	‘improve (of an invalid)’ (loan from Polynesian)

POc		*sola	‘escape, flee, run away’
NNG	Takia	sol	‘run way, flee, escape’
PCP		*sola	‘survive, escape danger’
Fij	Wayan	ðola	‘be alive, living, live; survive, escape dange; recover from illness; be healthy, well; (of living things) grow, thrive, flourish’
PPn		*sola	‘flee, escape danger’
Pn	Tongan	hola	‘flee, escape, run away’
Pn	Niuean	hola	‘flee, escape, run away’
Pn	Samoan	sola	‘run away, escape’
Pn	Tikopia	sora	‘run away, flee, escape, evade’

2.1.2. Dying and being dead⇫

Reflexes of PAn *ma-aCay, PMP *m-atay ‘die, dead’ have from very early times carried a number of extended meanings. POc *mate evidently included among its meanings ‘be unconscious, numb, paralysed’, as noted in §4.2.1, and if reduplicated, ‘be weak or ill’.¹ But there were further extensions in meaning, some of them apparently already present in POc. The tabulation below presents an analysis of the meanings of verbal reflexes of POc *mate in Mangap (NNG) -mēte, Gela (SES) mate, To’aba’ita (SES) mae and Wayan Fijian mate as they are given in dictionaries of these languages (Bugenhagen & Bugenhagen 2007b, Fox 1955, Lichtenberk 2008, Pawley & Sayaba 2003).

	Mangap -mēte	Gela mate	To’aba’ita mae	Wayan Fijian mate
person, animal	die, be dead	dead	die, be dead	die, be dead
person	be[come] unconscious	be unconscious, fainted	—	—
	be starving	—	—	—
	desire strongly	—	—	—
animal	—	—	—	be caught, captured (alive or dead)
cricketer	—	be out	—	be out
body part	be[come] paralysed	be paralysed	be paralysed	be paralysed
	be[come] numb	be numb	—	—
plant, tree	dry up	withered, dry	—	—
storm,wind	die down	—	—	stop, die down
sea	become calm	without movement (referent unspecified)	be calm	be calm
fire	go out	extinguished, gone out	go out	—
plan, project, work	cease	—	—	fail to work properly, not function, break down, go badly
engine	—	—	—	cut out, fail, die, be dead
pudding	—	—	be thoroughly mashed	—

The extensions of meaning shown above vary somewhat across the four languages, but we suspect that the differences are not as great as they appear from the tabulation, i.e. that some senses have been omitted from the dictionary glosses. The tabulation suggests that ‘be[come] paralysed (of a body-part)’, ‘die down, be[come] calm (of storm, wind or sea)’ and ‘go out (of fire)’ are senses that were present in POc, and the glosses of reflexes in the cognate set below indicate that ‘be[come] unconscious’, and ‘be[come] numb’ should be added to these. As the glosses of a number of reflexes below indicate, POc *mate apparently also participated in a metaphor parallel to English ‘to die for’, i.e. ‘to desire strongly’ (see §11.5). Note that ‘be[come]’ in these glosses reflects the typical situation in Oceanic languages whereby the aspect marker(s) that accompany a verb denoting a property indicate(s) whether it is to be taken statively or inchoatively.

Omitted from the table are a nominal sense of To’aba’ita mae, namely ‘k.o. evil spirit in the bush, used by its possessor to kill people’ and nominal senses of Wayan Fijian mate: ‘death’, ‘paralysis’, ‘failure to work, malfunction’ and ‘sickness, disease, ailment’. The latter simply reflect a zero nominalisation strategy. Their correspondents in Mangap and To’aba’ita are formed with nominalising suffixes.

PAn		*ma-aCay	‘die, dead; eclipse of sun or moon’ (ACD)
PMP		*m-atay	‘die, be dead; be unconscious, numb, paralysed; go out (of fire or light)’ (ACD)
POc		*mate	‘die, be dead; be unconscious, numb, paralysed; die down, be calm (of storm, wind or sea); go out (of fire or light)’
Adm	Seimat	mat	‘dead’
Adm	Seimat	mate	‘die’
Adm	Bipi	mak	‘die; dead’
Adm	Titan	mate-y	‘die; dead’
Adm	Lou	mat	‘die; dead’
Adm	Mussau	mate	‘dead; die’
NNG	Tami	mat	‘die’
NNG	Mangap	mēte	‘die’ (etc., see table above)
NNG	Lukep	-mate	‘die’
NNG	Bariai	mate	‘die, faint, become unconscious, be done’
NNG	Kove	-mate	‘die’
NNG	Gitua	mate	‘die’
NNG	Mengen	mate	‘die, desire, have feeling for’
NNG	Gedaged	-mat	‘die; go out (fire), stop (motor); yearn, crave, desire, lust after’
NNG	Takia	-mat	‘die, be dead; want, long for’
NNG	Manam	-mate	‘die’
NNG	Numbami	-mata	‘be sick, get sick, be incapacitated; die (of fire)’
NNG	Numbami	-maⁿde	‘die, faint, be paralysed; long for’
PT	Dobu	mate	‘die, faint, be comatose’
PT	Misima	mati	‘(be) dead (especially of trees)’
PT	Sinaugoro	mase	‘die’
PT	Sinaugoro	mase-kava	‘die a natural death without cause’
PT	Motu	mase	‘die’; [ADVERB OF INTENSITY] ‘very’
MM	Vitu	mate	‘die’
MM	Bali	mate	‘die’
MM	Bulu	mate	‘die’
MM	Bola	mate	‘die’
MM	Bola	(bi)mate	‘kill’
MM	Tabar	mate	‘die’
MM	Bilur	mat	‘die’
MM	Bilur	(a)mat	‘kill’
MM	Tolai	mat	‘die, be extinguished of light or fire’
MM	Tolai	mat-mat	‘to faint’
MM	Ramoaaina	mat	‘die, faint, be unconscious’
MM	Tinputz	mæt	[V] ‘die, be ill’; [N] ‘death, contagious disease’
MM	Banoni	mate	‘die’
MM	Banoni	(va)mate(a)	‘kill’
MM	Piva	mate	‘die’
MM	Mono-Alu	mate	‘die’
MM	Mono-Alu	(ha)mate	‘kill’
MM	Nduke	mate	‘die’
MM	Nduke	(va)mate(a)	‘kill’
MM	Roviana	mate	‘die, dead’
MM	Roviana	(va)mate(a)	‘kill’
MM	Hoava	mate	‘die, be dead’
MM	Hoava	(va)mate	‘kill’
MM	Hoava	(to)mate	‘(dead) spirit’
SES	Gela	mate	‘die’ (etc., see table above)
SES	West Guadalcanal	mate	‘die’
SES	Longgu	mae	‘die’
SES	Lau	mae	‘die, faint, be unconscious, numb, without motion’
SES	To’aba’ita	mae	‘die’ (etc., see table above)
SES	Kwaio	mae	‘die’
SES	’Are’are	mae	‘die, unconscious, faint, paralysed, numb’
SES	Sa’a	mae	‘die, be ill, become unconscious, be numb’
SES	Arosi	mae	‘die, death; be numb, unable to move, unconscious’
NCV	Mota	mate	‘die; be faint and appear to die’
NCV	West Ambrym	mer	‘die, be dead; numb, unconscious, apparently dead’
NCV	Nguna	mate	‘dead; unconscious; die (of light or fire)’
SV	Sye	mah	‘die’
SV	Kwamera	e-mha	‘die, be unconscious’
SV	Anejom̃	mas	‘die’
NCal	Iaai	mök	‘die’
PMic		*mate	‘die, lose consciousness’ (Bender et al. 2003)
Mic	Kiribati	mate	‘dead, paralysed, unconscious’
Mic	Woleaian	mas	‘be dead, die’
Mic	Chuukese	mæ	‘die, lose consciousness’
Mic	Carolinian	mæ	‘die’
Fij	Wayan	mate	‘die’ (etc., see table above)
Fij	Bauan	mate	‘death, disease, sickness; to die, be sick’
Pn	Tongan	mate	‘dead’
Pn	Rennellese	mate	‘be dead, dying, unconscious, faint, exhausted, paralysed’
Pn	Samoan	mate	‘die; dead, of water’
Pn	Tikopia	mate	‘die, lose consciousness’

PMP		*m-atay m-atay	‘to die in throngs; be on the verge of death’ (ACD)
POc		*mate-mate	‘die; be weak, sickly; die or suffer in numbers’
NNG	Manam	mate mate	‘die (iterative), to suffer’
PT	Motu	mase mase	(used as an intensive with hebiri ‘sit or stand close together’, or hesede ‘crowded’, ‘jostle’ etc.)
SES	Gela	mate mate	‘to overcome’
SES	Gela	mae mate	‘an epidemic; yaws’
SES	Sa’a	mae-mae	‘die, be ill, become unconscious, be numb’
SES	Arosi	mae-mae	‘very weak, wasting; infirmity, weakness’
NCV	Lonwolwol	mer-mer	‘be faint; to faint, be half-hearted’
Fij	Wayan	mate-mate	‘be weak, do poorly; die in an epidemic’
Fij	Bauan	mate mate	‘sickly’
Pn	Rennellese	mate mate	‘weak, exhausted, as from sickness or grief; be nearly out, as a fire’
Pn	Māori	mate mate	‘die or be taken or caught in numbers; sickly; shallow, failing, of streams’

2.2. Reproducing⇫

2.2.1. Copulating⇫

Two terms are reconstructed for sexual intercourse, POc *qait, *qait-i- and PEOc *pai(s), *pais-i-.

The first of these appears to continue PMP *ayu[t,d], which Blust (ACD) reconstructs to PWMP because he lacks Oceanic reflexes. If POc *qait does represent a continuation, albeit with irregular prepended *q-, then *ayu[t,d] is promoted to PMP. POLLEX attributes the Polynesian reflexes of this etymon to POc *saqit (PPn *haqi), but the initial sound correspondences reflect PPn *q-, not *h-. Kwaio l- and Bauan Fijian ð- ultimately reflect accretion of *[y] before initial *a- after loss of *q- (Lichtenberk 1988, Geraghty 1983).

Two POc forms are reconstructable: intransitive *qait ‘copulate’, with a non-singular subject, and transitive *qait-i- ‘have sexual intercourse with s.o.’ , with a singular subject.

PMP		*ayu[t,d]	‘copulate, have sexual intercourse’ (ACD: PWMP)
POc		*qait	[VI] ‘copulate’; [N] ‘copulation, sexual intercourse’
POc		*qait-i-	‘have sexual intercourse with’ (ACD)
Adm	Mussau	ai-ora	‘copulate’
Adm	Lou	aɛt	‘copulate’
Adm	Loniu	it-i	[VT] ‘have sexual intercourse with’
Adm	Titan	it-i	‘copulate’
NNG	Gedaged	ai	‘copulate’
NNG	Mato	ɣai-	‘copulate’
NNG	Gitua	ɣat-i	‘copulate’
PT	Wedau	kait-i-	‘copulate’
PT	Gumawana	kaita	‘copulate’
PT	Gumawana	kais-i-	[VT] ‘have sexual intercourse with’
PT	Kilivila	keita	‘sexual intercourse, of people or animals’
PT	Motu	ɣa-ɣai-a	[VT] ‘have sexual intercourse with’
MM	Patpatar	-es	‘copulate’
MM	Mono-Alu	ait-i	‘copulate (of humans)’
MM	Teop	isi	‘copulate’
SES	Kwaio	laʔi	‘copulate’
SES	Kwaio	laʔi-	[VT] ‘have sexual intercourse with’
PSV		*a-ic-i	‘copulate’ (Lynch 2002e)
SV	Sye	isi	‘copulate’
SV	Southwest Tanna	eis	‘copulate’
SV	Kwamera	eh-i	‘copulate’
Fij	Bauan	ðai	‘copulate’
Fij	Bauan	ðait-a	[VT] ‘have sexual intercourse with’
PPn		*qai, *qait-i	‘copulate’ (POLLEX: *hai)
Pn	Rennellese	ʔei	‘copulate’
Pn	Rapanui	ʔai	‘coition’
Pn	Hawaiian	ai	‘coition; copulate’’
Pn	Māori	ait-i-a	[VT] ‘have sexual intercourse with’

cf. also:

NNG	Yabem	gasiʔ	‘the act of sexual intercourse’
NNG	Kove	ɣahe	‘copulate’ (-h- < *-R-)

The reciprocal forms in the set below reflect the addition of reflexes of POc *paRi- RECIP to *qai(t)/*qait-i- ‘have sexual intercourse (with s.o.)’. The reflexes are few enough to suggest that these are local formations, and that the POc form is not necessarily reconstructable. Indeed, as reciprocals with *paRi- were typically intransitive, only the Tawala form, reflecting POc intransitive *qait, appears to be a direct descendant of the likely POc form *paRi-qait. The Samoic–Outlier forms all reflect loss of *-a-, i.e. *fe-qiti for expected †*fe-qaiti.

POc		*paRi-qait	‘copulate, have sexual intercourse with one another’
PT	Tawala	wi-eita	‘copulate’
SES	West Guadalcanal	(vai)ɣet-i	‘copulate’
NNG	Malasanga	(vai)hait-i	‘copulate’
PNPn		*fe-qiti	‘copulate’
Pn	Samoan	feit-i	‘copulate’
Pn	East Uvean	feis-i	‘copulate’
Pn	Rennellese	heʔit-i-ʔaki	‘copulate’
Pn	Tuvalu	feit-i	‘copulate’

Bender et al. (2003) imply that the Micronesian reflexes below may reflect an interrogative verb meaning ‘do what?’, and POLLEX reconstructs PPn *fai ‘do, make’, homophonous with *fai ‘copulate’ as in Tongan and Samoan.

It is not clear whether the South Vanuatu forms below are cognate or not.

PEOc		*pai(s), *pais-i-	‘copulate’
SES	Talise	vaiði	‘copulate’
SES	Birao	vai-vaiði	‘copulate’
SES	Malango	vaiði	‘copulate’
Mic	Chuukese	fe, fē-	[VI, VT] ‘copulate, have sexual intercourse with’
Mic	Carolinian	fe, fē-	[VI, VT] ‘copulate, have sexual intercourse with’
Mic	Woleaian	fē, fē-	[VI, VT] ‘copulate, have sexual intercourse with’
PPn		*fai	‘copulate’ (POLLEX)
Pn	Tongan	fai	[VI] ‘do’; (2) ‘copulate’
Pn	Samoan	fai	(1) ‘do’; (2) ‘copulate, cohabit with’
Pn	Rennellese	hai	‘copulate’
Pn	Pukapukan	wai	‘copulate’
Pn	Tuvalu	fai	‘copulate’

cf. also:

SV	Sye	evis	‘copulate’ (Lynch 2002e: PSV *a-ivi(cj) ‘copulate’)
SV	Anejom̃	īhis	‘copulate’

The following PMP reconstructions by Blust (ACD) have respectively one and two known Oceanic reflexes. PMP *duluR was perhaps already a euphemism for copulation, as Blust (ACD) records Cebuano (C Philippines) dulug ‘sleep with someone’. Note, however, that the initial consonants do not correspond: the expected POc root is †*ruluR or *druluR.

PMP		*kiu[d,t,q]	‘thrusting movement of pelvis, as in sexual intercourse; sexual intercourse’ (ACD)
POc		*kiu(C)	‘movement in coitus’
NNG	Gedaged	kiu	‘movement in coitus’

PMP		*duluR	‘accompany, go together with’ (ACD: PWMP)
POc		*duluR-i-	‘accompany s.o.’
POc		*paRi-dulu(R)	‘go/be together’
Fij	Wayan	vī-dulu	‘copulate (pural subject)’
Fij	Wayan	dulu-ki	‘copulate with s.o.’
Fij	Bauan	vei-dulu	‘copulate (pural subject)’

2.2.2. Sexual desire⇫

No term can be reconstructed here, but a number of languages use their term for ‘itchy’ (§5.3.2.4), either alone or in a body-part metaphor (ch.9) to mean ‘sexually excited’.

NNG	Gedaged	magagau		[VI] ‘itch, lust after’
NNG	Buang	ayo nvu nvu	[insides itchy]	‘covet, desire, lustful’
NNG	Yabem	ŋalɪlʊm ŋakalaʔ	[insides itching]	‘covetous, desirous of sexual intercourse’
NNG	Bukawa	ŋalʊm ŋagalaʔ	[insides itchy]	‘lustfulness’
Pn	Rennellese	maŋeo		‘itch, sore; be sexually titillated’
Pn	Hawaiian	maneʔo		‘itch, itchy; ticklish; sexually titilated’

2.2.3. Being pregnant⇫

POc *tian-an ‘pregnant’ is derived from PAn *tiaN ‘belly’, which also gave rise to POc *tia- ‘belly’ (§3.5.9). It is rather easy to mistake a reflex of *tian-an for a reflex of *tia-. For example, Loniu tiyan is a reflex of POc *tian-an ‘pregnant’, not of POc *tia- ‘belly’, as POc final *-VC is normally lost in Admiralties languages.

It is possible that some reflexes of POc *tian-an have been conflated with a reflex of POc *tina-ña ‘his/her mother; big, biggest’, discussed in vol.2:195, and as a result have lost the first *-a-. A pregnant woman is naturally described as a woman with a large belly (e.g. Nyindrou [Adm] drine-n i tinan [belly-her go big] ‘her belly is getting big; she is pregnant’), and, for example, Siar tinan ‘pregnant’ has the form that is expected of a reflex of *tina-ña rather than of *tian-an.

POc		*tian-an	‘belly, (be) pregnant’
Adm	Loniu	tiyan	[VI] ‘give birth’
NNG	Manam	tine-ŋaki	[VT] ‘conceive a child’
NNG	Manam	tine-tine	‘be pregnant’
NNG	Manam	tine	‘belly, bowels; be pregnant’
NNG	Kairiru	tyen	‘pregnant’ (tie- ‘belly’)
NNG	Ulau-Suain	tiañ	‘pregnant’
NNG	Sera	tiaŋ	‘pregnant’
PT	Misima	liyan	‘pregnant’ (l- for †t-)
PT	Sinaugoro	diana	‘pregnant’ (d- for †t-)
MM	Lihir	tian	‘pregnant’
MM	Madak	tenan	‘pregnant’
MM	Patpatar	tianan	‘pregnant’
MM	Siar	tinan	‘pregnant’
MM	Tolai (Matupit)	tianan	[VI] ‘to be in an advanced state of pregnancy’ (tia- ‘belly’)
SES	Lau	īana	‘pregnant, of a woman; enlarged stomach, of a man’
SES	To’aba’ita	iana	[VI] ‘be pregnant’
NCV	Mota	tiana	‘be pregnant’
SV	Lenakel	sinən	‘pregnant’
Mic	Woleaian	siyar	‘conceive, be pregnant’

2.2.4. Giving birth⇫

Although there is clear external support for POc *pañaRu ‘give birth’, all Oceanic subgroups apart from Polynesian have adopted other terms. PPn *fanau evidently could be used in both an active ‘give birth’ and stative ‘be born’ sense.

PMP		*pañaRu	‘give birth’ (ACD)
POc		*pañaRu	‘give birth’ (Blust 1978b:47: POc *pañaRu(d,k))
PPn		*fanau	‘give birth; be born’
PPn		*fānau	[N] ‘offspring’
Pn	Niuean	fanau	‘give birth, bring forth, lay (eggs)’
Pn	Niuean	fānau	‘children’
Pn	Tongan	fanau	[VI] ‘have a child/children’
Pn	Tongan	fānau	‘children, offspring’
Pn	Rennellese	hānau	‘children’
Pn	Pukapukan	wānau	‘be born; give birth’
Pn	Samoan	fānau	‘be born, give birth; offspring (collectively)’
Pn	Tikopia	fanau	‘give birth; be born’
Pn	Tuvalu	fānau	‘set of siblings; give birth, be born’
Pn	East Futunan	fānau	‘offspring; to be born’
Pn	East Uvean	fānau	‘offspring’
Pn	Hawaiian	hānau	‘give birth, lay (egg); born; offspring’
Pn	Māori	ɸānau	‘extended family, born, give birth’
Pn	Ifira-Mele	fānau	‘bear, give birth’
Pn	Tahitian	fānau	‘give birth to, bear’
Pn	Takuu	fānau	‘give birth; group of siblings’
Pn	Tokelauan	fānau	‘give birth; offspring, children’
Pn	Tuamotuan	hānau	‘born, to be, give birth to’
Pn	West Uvea	fānau	‘bear children’

Nominalised forms carry a range of associated meanings:

Pn	Samoan	fanau-ŋa	‘delivery, childbirth, labour’
Pn	Tikopia	fanau-ŋa	‘family; food for rite over new-born first child’
Pn	Māori	ɸānau-ŋa	‘kinsman, relation’
Pn	Hawaiian	hanau-na	‘generation, ancestry, birth; relation’

The two following reconstructions, *pasu[su] ‘(mother) give birth’ and *pusa ‘(baby) be born’ raise a number of questions. If metathesis was ever involved in assumed forms *pasu and *pusa, evidence from Gela and Bugotu shows that there is now clear separation of form and meaning.

The form of *pasu[su] suggests that it reflects *pa-susu, i.e. causative prefix + ‘suck’. POc *susu meant ‘suck’² (§4.3.2.3) and *pa-susu meant ‘suckle, feed (baby) at the breast’, i.e. ‘cause to suck’. Two questions arise:

1. Does *pasu[su] reflect *pa-susu, derived from the latter by metonymy?
2. If yes, were *pasu[su] ‘give birth’ and *pa-susu ‘suckle’ a single verb in POc?

There are two sets of evidence, and they are in conflict. First, reflexes of *pa-susu ‘suckle’ in §4.3.2.3 all reflect the disyllabic root *-susu, whereas several reflexes of *pasu[su] ‘give birth’ do not reflect the disyllabic root and instead reflect POc *pasu. What is more, in several languages (Hote, Tinputz, Bugotu, Gela, Tolo) the form for ‘breast’ is different enough from the portion of the verb that reflects *-su[su] to indicate that POc *pasu[su] ‘give birth’ was not (or was no longer) derivationally related to POc *susu- ‘breast’. These facts suggest rather strongly that the answer to question B is ‘no’, *pasu[su] and *pa-susu were not a single verb in POc.

The opposing set of evidence is as follows. In Southeast Solomonic and Central Pacific the POc causative prefix *pa- has been replaced by reflexes of *paka-, the causative form that originally occurred with statives, and so the Arosi, Wayan and Bauan forms appear transparently to reflect *pa-susu, pointing to an affirmative answer to question B. Further, in certain other languages (Arop-Lukep, Teop, Mota, Raga) the reflex of the *-susu part of POc *pasusu ‘give birth’ is identical with the reflex of POc *susu- ‘breast’, or nearly so.

How can this conflict be resolved? The answer is a little complicated. The evidence for POc *pasu ‘give birth’ is well enough distributed (Hote, Bugotu, Gela, Paamese) to suggest that it was a separate verb from *pa-susu ‘suckle’, and the first set of evidence indicates that it had no derivational relationship to *susu- ‘breast’. To account for the second set of evidence, however, we infer that in certain languages the reflex of the *-susu part of *pasusu ‘give birth’ was (by chance?) similar enough to the reflex of *susu- ‘breast’ for reanalysis by folk etymology to take place, so that the reflex of *pa- was reanalysed as the causative prefix and the reflex of the *-susu as ‘breast’.

Thus we answer question B above in the negative. We have no definitive evidence regarding question A.

POc		*pasu[su]	‘give birth’
NNG	Lukep	pasui	‘give birth’ (sui- ‘breast’)
NNG	Hote	vaðu	‘bear child, give birth; bear fruit’ (sum ‘breast’)
MM	Tinputz	vahuh	‘give birth’ (sisiʔ ‘breast’)
MM	Teop	vahuhu	‘give birth’ (huhu- ‘breast’)
MM	Siar	asus	‘give birth’ (susu- ‘breast’)
SES	Bugotu	vahu	‘bring forth, give birth to’ (susū ‘breast’)
SES	Bugotu	vahuhu	‘beget (of either parent)’
SES	Gela	vahu	[VT] ‘bear, give birth to; be born’ (susu, luhu ‘breast’)
SES	Gela	vahuhu	‘be born, give birth to’
SES	Tolo	vasu-	‘give birth, deliver (child), lay (egg)’ (cucu ‘breast’)
SES	Tolo	vasusu	[VI] ‘give birth, deliver a child’
SES	Arosi	haʔa-susu	‘beget a child, lay an egg’ (haʔa- CAUSATIVE, susu- ‘breast’)
PNCV		*va-susu	‘give birth, lay egg’ (Clark 2009)
NCV	Mota	vasus	‘give birth, said of both sexes’ (susi ‘breast’)
NCV	Raga	bahuhu	‘bring forth young, lay eggs’ (huhu- ‘breast’)
NCV	Paamese	vasu	‘give birth’ (sūsū ‘breast’)
Fij	Bauan	vaka-suðu	‘bring forth young’ (suðu- ‘breast’, suðu ‘be born, suck the breast’)
Fij	Wayan	vaka-suðu	‘give birth’ (-ðuðu ‘breast’, suðu ‘be born, give birth’)

Although POc *pusa ‘be born’ is straightforwardly reconstructable, Oceanic languages also reflect several forms that are similar in that they have an initial labial followed by *-u- or *-o- and a medial apical, but they cannot be readily accounted for. Their resemblances have arisen by chance, and are listed below.

POc		*pusa	‘be born’
NNG	Manam	pura	‘(baby) be born; come, arrive’
MM	Nakanai	(ta)posa	‘to be born’
MM	Nakanai	(ta)posa(la)	[N] ‘birth of a child’
MM	Nehan	poha	‘give birth, be born’
MM	Petats	posa	‘(baby) be born’
MM	Halia	posa	‘bear a child, give birth, lay an egg’
SES	Bugotu	vuha	‘be born; begin, become, appear’
SES	Gela	vuha	‘be born, become’ (Also vahu)
SES	Lengo	vuða	‘be born’
SES	Longgu	vuta	[VI] ‘be born’
SES	Lau	futa	‘be born, originate, create’
SES	Lau	futala	[N] ‘birth’
SES	Baegu	futa	‘line/kin’
SES	Sa’a	hute	‘be born’
SES	Kwaio	futa	‘be born, be related by kinship; appear, come out’
SES	Arosi	huta	‘be born’
SES	To’aba’ita	futa	[VI] ‘be born’
SES	To’aba’ita	futalā	[N] ‘birth’
SES	To’aba’ita	faʔa-futa	[VI] ‘bear a child, give birth’
SES	To’aba’ita	faʔa-futā	[VT] ‘bear a child, give birth’

cf. also:

MM	Lamasong	pasik	‘(baby) be born’
MM	Madak	pisik	‘(baby) be born’
Fij	Bauan	vusa	‘a group, tribe, either of people or animals etc.’

POc *puta and PMM *pʷoda ‘be born’ are evidently irregular variants of POc *pusa(k) ‘be born’.

POc		*puta	‘(baby) be born’
MM	Tangga	fut	‘(baby) be born’
MM	Bilur	putai	‘(baby) be born’
NCV	Mota	wota	‘be born, come into being’
NCV	Mwotlap	wɔt	‘be born’

cf. also:

Adm

Seimat

pet, petipet

[VI] ‘be born’ (p- reflects *b-)

PMM		*pʷoda	‘(baby) be born’
MM	Bulu	poda	‘(baby) be born’
MM	Bola	poda	‘(baby) be born’
MM	Uruava	podo	‘(baby) be born’
MM	Torau	podo	‘(baby) be born’
MM	Mono-Alu	poro	‘(baby) be born’
MM	Babatana	podo	‘(baby) be born’
MM	Roviana	podo	‘(baby) be born’

cf. also:

NCV	Raga	vora	‘be born, happen, become’
NCV	Tamambo	vora	‘be born’

2.3. Growing⇫

A number of PT and Mic reflexes of POc *tubuq ‘grow, swell’ (vol.1:134), evidently used of humans, animals and plants, are glossed ‘be born’. Some Polynesian reflexes, although retaining the central meaning ‘grow’, extend it to include ‘originate’, ‘issue’, and ‘be descended from’, all ideas associated with birth.

PMP		*tu(m)buq	‘grow, thrive, swell’ (Blust 1986)
POc		*tubuq	‘grow, swell’
NNG	Numbami	tubu	‘grow, fatten’
NNG	Roinji	tubu	‘(plant) grow’
NNG	Kove	tuvu-tuvu	‘grow’ (tuvu ‘physique’; pa-tuvu ‘grow a child’)
PT	Dobu	tubua	[VI] ‘be born’
PT	Bwaidoga	tubuɣa	‘grow large, swell’
PT	Gapapaiwa	tupua	‘be born’
PT	Motu	tubu	‘grow; ferment; swell’
MM	Nakanai	tubu	‘be fat, grow’
MM	Ramoaaina	tubu	‘grow (principally of men and animals, not trees)’
MM	Teop	subu	‘swell’
SES	Bugotu	tubu	‘swell’
SES	Sa’a	upu	‘swell’
SES	Arosi	ubu	‘swell’
NCV	Mota	tobʷo	‘have the belly full’
NCV	Port Sandwich	ruᵐb	‘grow’
SV	Anejom̃	a-topʷ	‘grow, swell up’
PMic		*t(i,u)pʷu	‘be born, bear young’ (Bender et al., 2003)
Mic	Mortlockese	upʷu(tiw)	‘be born’
Mic	Puluwatese	wupʷu(tiw)	‘be born’
Mic	Carolinian	ubʷu(tiu)	[VI] ‘be born’
Mic	Satawalese	upʷu(to)	‘be born’
Mic	Woleaian	suɸʷu	‘be born’
Fij	Rotuman	fupu	‘grow, increase’
Fij	Wayan	tubu	‘grow, increase’
Fij	Bauan	tubu	‘grow, increase, spring up, of plants’
PPn		*tupu	‘grow’ (POLLEX)
Pn	Tongan	tupu	‘grow up, originate, increase in size’
Pn	Niuean	tupu	‘grow, sprout; be descended from’
Pn	Samoan	tupu	‘grow’
Pn	Tikopia	tupu	‘grow’
Pn	Māori	tupu	‘grow; spring, issue, begin’

3. Ingestion and related activities and states⇫

3.1. Eating and chewing⇫

In this section are presented reconstructed verbs which have to do with the ingestion of solids. A pair of verbs meaning ‘eat’ is given in §4.3.1.1. This is followed by verbs of chewing, which fall into two categories, namely chewing something as part of the process of eating (§4.3.1.2), and chewing something in order to extract its ingestible content, after which the chewed remains are spat out (§4.3.1.3). The latter category includes general verbs of chewing without eating and verbs denoting the culturally significant activity of chewing betelnut.

3.1.1. Eating⇫

Across the world’s languages the verbs for ingestion tend to be exceptional in their lexical and grammatical behaviour. A typical transitive verb like English hit (as in The man hit the dog) has a volitional agent as its subject (the man) and an affected patient as its object (the dog). English eat and drink, on the other hand, can occur quite naturally in both transitive and intransitive constructions, e.g. The man ate the banana vs. The man ate, whereas it requires considerable ingenuity to think up possible contexts for intransitive The man hit (cf Næss 2009:35). The apparent reason that ‘eat’ and ‘drink’ verbs allow a transitive/intransitive alternation in many languages is that they do not have the kind of meaning that is typically encoded by a transitive construction (Newman 2009:6). Certainly the person who eats or drinks is normally a volitional agent, and there is a sense in which what is eaten is an affected patient. But unlike verbs meaning ‘hit’, or even ‘destroy’, where the fate of the patient is part of what is profiled by the verb, ‘eat’ and ‘drink’ verbs primarily profile the agent and the effect of the activity on the agent (rather than on the patient), and this is what allows them to be used in intransitive as well as transitive constructions (Newman 2009:5, Næss 2009:27–28).

In some languages this distinction is carried further, as there are separate verbs for transitive ‘eat (something specified)’ and intransitive ‘eat’ (where what is eaten remains unprofiled) (Newman 2009:4, Næss 2009:29). One may say, with Newman (2009:5), that these reflect different conceptualisations of the ingestion activity, one which includes the ingested patient in its semantic profile (the transitive) and one which excludes it and profiles only the activity of ingestion (the intransitive). There are a number of Oceanic languages which have separate verbs for transitive and intransitive ‘eat’. The forms of these pairs of verbs are cognate with each other, and so it may be inferred that Proto Oceanic also made this distinction. Proto Malayo-Polynesian distinguished between transitive forms which consisted of the root plus a suffix or prefix, and an intransitive form with an actor subject. The intransitive form was marked with the prefix *paN-, where *-N- combined with the root-initial consonant to produce a nasal consonant. Although there are several reconstructed Proto Oceanic verbs that include a reflex of intransitive *paN-, just one of these reconstructed verbs with *paN- forms a pair with a corresponding reconstructed transitive. This is the pair meaning ‘eat’, POc *paŋan ‘eat’ (VI) vs *kani ‘eat’ (VT). They reflect the Proto Malayo-Polynesian forms *paŋan ‘eat (VI)’ and *kaen-i ‘eat (VT), where *paŋan is derived from *paN- + the root *kaen ‘eat’,³ and *kaen-i includes the location undergoer voice suffix *-i, which became the POc transitive suffix *-i.

The data are tabulated below.

	PMP	*paŋan	*kaen-i
	POc	*paŋan	*kani
Meso-Melanesian	Ramoaaina	wəŋan	an
SE Solomonic	Gela	vaŋa	ɣani
	Lau	faŋa	ʔani-
	To’aba’ita	faŋa	ʔani-
	Kwara’ae	hoŋ	ʔɛn
Temotu	Asumboa	veveŋe	ka
	Buma	voŋo	e
S Vanuatu	Sye	vaŋ	eni
	Ura	eveŋ	eni
	Lenakel	a-uŋən	kən
	Anejom	haŋ	ɣiɲ

As the data above are from primary subgroups of Oceanic, this intransitive/transitive pair evidently occurred in Proto Oceanic. The fact that this appears to be the only intransitive/ transitive pair retained in modern Oceanic languages reflects the tendency for languages to encode intransitive and transitive ‘eat’ separately. This in turn reflects the centrality of eating in human life.

The forms *paŋan and *kani are treated separately below, as in many Oceanic languages one of them has displaced the other. More frequently, *kani has replaced *paŋan. The latter is not reflected at all (with the exception of certain forms described below) in New Guinea Oceanic (NNG and PT), Northwest Solomonic, North/Central Vanuatu, Central Pacific or Micronesian.

People in traditional Oceanic-speaking villages ate one cooked meal a day, usually after the day’s work, and this presumably was also true of POc speakers. The meal typically consisted of starchy staples, made more appetising by the addition of coconut milk, leafy vegetables and sometimes some meat or fish (vol.3:36). The lexicons of Oceanic languages thus usually distinguish two main categories of ingredient, and POc evidently did so too. The relevant terms are:

• POc *kanaŋ: starchy staples, including yams, taro, sweet potatoes and other root crops, cooking bananas and breadfruit (vol.3:40–41);
• POc *tamaji: the additional ingredients: coconut milk, leafy vegetables and protein foods (meat, fish, shellfish) (vol.3:43).

The general meaning of *paŋan and *kani was ‘eat’, but Ross (vol.3:36–40) concludes that they also had the specific meaning ‘eat starchy staples’. There are three kinds of evidence for this. First, *kanaŋ ‘starchy staples’ is a nominalisation of the base also found in *kani. Secondly, in Oceanic languages for which there is detailed information about verbs of eating, there is usually at least one other ‘eat’ verb, with the meaning ‘eat starch and protein food together’. Sometimes there is also a verb meaning ‘eat meat’, ‘eat fish’ or ‘eat protein food’ and less often one meaning ‘eat greens alone’ or ‘eat (s.t.) as an accompaniment to starchy food’ (vol.3:39–41). Significantly, however, there is almost never a separate verb meaning ‘eat starchy food’, implying that this was the more specific sense of *paŋan/*kani. Thirdly, on the rare occasions that a verb meaning ‘eat starch’ is found, it is the general verb of eating combined with an element indicating that nothing else (other than starch) is eaten, e.g. Anejom (SV) topʷ-haŋ ‘eat starch without additions’, literally ‘just eat’, where topʷ means ‘only’ and haŋ is the general verb ‘eat’ (< POc *paŋan); Arosi (SES) ŋau-koŋari ‘eat one thing without relish’, where ŋau is the general verb ‘eat’ (< POc *ŋau ‘chew and eat’, §4.3.1.2) and koŋari is ‘empty’.

There is a semantic association whereby terms for ‘sharp’ (referring to a blade, not a point) are derived from the verb ‘eat’ or ‘chew’. Reflexes of *paŋan, often reduplicated, mean ‘sharp’ in a number of Meso-Melanesian and Southeast Solomonic languages, while reflexes of *kani mean ‘sharp’ in a number of Northwest Solomonic, Micronesian and Polynesian languages. Isolated instances also occur in reflexes of the verbs of gnawing *ŋau (Kwaio) and *ŋas(i,u) (Hoava, Vangunu) (§4.3.1.2). Although this semantic extension of ‘eat’ seems rather an obvious one, it is not among those listed as occurring crosslinguistically by Newman (2009).

A number of the reflexes of *paŋan with the sense ‘sharp’ display reduplication. This appears to have been an early Oceanic strategy for forming adjectives from members of other word classes. Colour adjectives, for example, were often reduplicated nouns (vol.2:207–210). This strategy did not occur with reflexes of *kani that mean ‘sharp’, evidently because reduplication formed actor-subject intransitive verbs from transitives.

PMP		*paŋan	[VI] ‘eat’
POc		*paŋan	[VI] ‘eat’
POc		*[pa[ŋa]]-paŋan	‘sharp’ (vol.1: 29 ff, vol.3:39)
SJ	Sobei	pana	‘eat’
MM	Lavongai	aŋan	‘eat’
MM	Lavongai	aŋ-aŋan	‘sharp’
MM	Tigak	ŋan	‘eat’
MM	Tigak	ŋa-ŋan	‘sharp’
MM	East Kara	faŋan	‘eat’
MM	East Kara	(pa)faŋan	‘sharp’
MM	West Kara	faŋan	‘eat’
MM	Tiang	ŋan	‘eat’
MM	Tiang	aŋ-aŋan	‘sharp’
MM	Nalik	faŋan	‘eat’; ‘sharp’
MM	Nalik	faŋan	‘eat’; ‘sharp’
MM	Notsi	aŋan	‘eat’
MM	Notsi	aŋen	‘sharp’
MM	Kandas	uaŋon	[VI] ‘eat; sharp’
MM	Ramoaaina	wəŋan	[VI] ‘eat’
MM	Siar	aŋan	‘eat’
SES	Bugotu	vaŋa	[VI] ‘eat’
SES	Bugotu	vā-vaŋa	‘sharp’
SES	Gela	vaŋa	‘eat, have a meal; food, properly vegetable food’
SES	Gela	va-vaŋa	‘fruit; mollusc in its shell’
SES	Gela	va-vaŋa-lua	‘sharpen, sharp’
SES	West Guadalcanal	va-vaŋa	‘sharp’
SES	Talise	va-vaŋa	‘sharp’
SES	Birao	vaŋa-vaŋa	‘sharp’
SES	Malango	va-vaŋa	‘sharp’
SES	Lengo	vaŋa	‘eat’
SES	Longgu	vaŋa	‘eat’
SES	Lau	faŋa	[VI] ‘eat, have a meal’; [N] ‘food’
SES	To’aba’ita	faŋa	[VI] ‘eat’; [N] ‘food’
SES	Baegu	faŋa-	‘eat’
SES	Kwara’ae	hoŋ	[VI] ‘eat’
SES	Langalanga	fana	‘eat’
SES	’Are’are	hana(ha)	‘eat’
SES	Arosi	haŋan-i	[VT] ‘feed; a pet, adopted animal’
TM	Asuboa	veveŋe	[VI] ‘eat’
TM	Buma	voŋo	[VI] ‘eat’
SV	Sye	vaŋ	[VI] ‘eat’
SV	Ura	e-veŋ	[VI] ‘eat’
SV	Lenakel	a-uŋən	[VI] ‘eat’
SV	Anejom̃	haŋ	‘eat’

As noted above, reduplication forms actor-subject intransitive verbs from transitives, and there are a few reflexes of a possible POc *kani-kani (VI) ‘eat’, namely Motu ɣani-ɣani, Nakanai al-ali, Hahon an-an, Lungga ɣa-ɣani, West Guadalcanal ɣa-ɣani, Tamambo hani-hani — but only the Motu and Tamambo forms are clearly marked as intransitive in the sources. Madak an-an and Barok a-an, both ‘sharp’, are exceptions to the generalisation above that adjectives are not formed from transitive verbs by reduplication. However, both sets of reduplicated forms here may be the result of post-Proto Oceanic applications of productive reduplication rules, rather than reflexes of reduplicated Proto Oceanic forms. It seems a little unlikely that a putative POc †*kani-kani (VI) ‘eat’ competed with *paŋan (VI) ‘eat’.

PMP		*kaen	‘eat’ (ACD)
POc		*kani[-]	[VT] ‘eat (s.t. starchy), eat (in general)’
Adm	Seimat	ani-	[VT] ‘eat’
Adm	Loniu	yani-	[VT] ‘eat’
NNG	Kove	-ani	‘eat’
NNG	Bariai	-an	‘eat’
NNG	Kilenge	-kan	‘eat’
NNG	Sio	-kan	‘burn’
NNG	Sio	kana(ŋo)	‘meat’
NNG	Sio	(i-i)ka	‘eat’
NNG	Barim	-kan	‘eat, burn’
NNG	Lukep	-kan(su)	‘eat’
NNG	Lukep	kani(ŋ)	‘yam’
NNG	Malasanga	-kan	‘eat’
NNG	Mato	ʔan	‘eat’
NNG	Roinji	ɣaŋ	‘eat’
NNG	Bing	aŋ	‘eat’
NNG	Gedaged	ani-	[VT] ‘eat’
NNG	Takia	-ani	‘eat’
NNG	Medebur	-kan	‘eat’
NNG	Wogeo	(e-kakaba)kan	‘eat’
NNG	Kis	ani	‘eat’
NNG	Kairiru	qan	‘eat’
NNG	Ulau-Suain	(y)an	‘eat’
NNG	Sissano	ʔaɲ	‘eat’
NNG	Sera	-ʔaiŋ	‘eat’
PT	Kilivila	kam	‘eat’
PT	Motu	ani-	[VT] ‘eat s.t.’
PT	Motu	ani-ani	[VI] ‘eat; food’
PT	Lala	ani	‘eat’
PT	Sinaugoro	ɣani-	[VT] ‘eat s.t.’
MM	Vitu	ɣani	‘eat’
MM	Bali	ɣani	‘eat; (dog) bite’
MM	Bola	kani	‘eat; (dog) bite’
MM	Harua	kani	‘eat’
MM	Nakanai	al-ali	‘eat’
MM	Meramera	ʔani	‘eat’
MM	Sursurunga	ani	‘eat’
MM	Madak	an	‘eat’
MM	Madak	an-an	‘sharp’
MM	Barok	yan	‘eat’
MM	Barok	a-an	‘sharp’
MM	Tolai	an	[VI] ‘eat’
MM	Ramoaaina	an	[VT] ‘eat s.t.’
MM	Tomoip	han	‘eat’
MM	Nehan	en	‘eat’
MM	Taiof	aŋi	‘eat’
MM	Teop	an	‘eat’
MM	Papapana	ani	‘eat’
MM	Uruava	ana	‘eat; drink’
MM	Torau	ani	‘eat; drink; sharp’
MM	Mono-Alu	aŋ	‘eat’
MM	Lungga	ɣa-ɣani	‘eat’
MM	Lungga	ɣani	‘sharp’
MM	Roviana	ɣani-a	‘eat’
MM	Kia	ɣani-ni	‘bite’
SES	Gela	ɣani	[VT] ‘eat s.t.’
SES	Bugotu	ɣani	‘eat’
SES	Birao	hani-a	‘eat’
SES	Kwara’ae	ʔen	[VT] ‘eat s.t.’’
SES	Lau	ʔani-a	[VT] ‘eat s.t.’
SES	Kwaio	ʔani-a	[VT] ‘eat s.t.’
SES	To’aba’ita	ʔani-a	[VT] ‘eat s.t.’
TM	Asuboa	ka	[VT] ‘eat s.t.’
TM	Buma	e	[VT] ‘eat s.t.’
NCV	Mota	ɣan	‘eat’
NCV	Tamambo	ɣani-	[VT] ‘eat s.t.’
NCV	Tamambo	ɣani-ɣani	[VI] ‘eat’
NCV	Big Nambas	xan	‘eat; sharp’
NCV	Southwest Bay	ʔan	‘eat’
NCV	Southwest Bay	(kana)kan	‘sharp’
NCV	Port Sandwich	xani	‘eat’
NCV	Port Sandwich	kan	‘sharp’
NCV	Nakanamanga	kani	‘eat’
SV	Sye	eni	[VT] ‘eat s.t.’
SV	Ura	eni	[VT] ‘eat s.t.’
SV	Lenakel	kən	[VT] ‘eat s.t.’
SV	Kwamera	ani	‘eat’
SV	Anejom̃	ɣiɲ	[VT] ‘eat s.t.’
NCal	Voh-Koné	cani	‘eat starchy food’
NCal	Xârâcùù	kɛ̃	‘eat starchy food’
NCal	Iaai	han	‘eat’
PMic		*kaŋi-	‘eat (s.t.)’
PMic		*ka-kaŋi	‘sharp’ (Bender et al., 2003)
Mic	Kiribati	kaŋ	‘eat (more than one thing)’
Mic	Kiribati	ka-kaŋ	‘sharp’
Mic	Marshallese	kaŋ	‘eat’
Mic	Marshallese	k-kaŋ	‘sharp’
Mic	Woleaian	xaŋi-	[VT] ‘eat s.t.’
Mic	Chuukese	æɾi-	[VT] ‘eat s.t.’
Mic	Chuukese	k-keɾ	‘sharp’
Mic	Carolinian	aŋi-	[VT] ‘eat s.t.’
Mic	Carolinian	k-káŋ	‘sharp’
Mic	Ponapean	kaŋ	[VT] ‘eat s.t.’
Mic	Ponapean	kɛŋ	‘sharp’
Fij	Bauan	kani-a	[VT] ‘eat s.t.’

PPn *kai ‘eat’ below reflects irregular loss of POc *-n-.

PPn		*kai	[v] ‘eat’; [N] ‘food’
PPn		*ka-kai	‘sharp’ (POLLEX)
Pn	Tongan	kai	‘eat, to bite (at bait); to experience, enjoy, suffer’
Pn	Samoan	ʔai	‘eat; food; bite, grip’
Pn	Samoan	ma-ʔai	‘sharp’
Pn	East Futunan	kai	‘eat; food’
Pn	East Futunan	ka-kai	‘sharp’
Pn	Tuvalu	kai	‘eat; food; sharp’
Pn	Tikopia	kai	‘food; eat; bite, as edged tool; be sharp, abrasive; swallow, engulf’
Pn	Anutan	kai	‘eat; food’
Pn	Anutan	ka-kai	‘sharp (as a knife)’
Pn	Rennellese	kai	‘eat, be eaten; smoke (tobacco); erode’
Pn	Rennellese	ka-kai	‘be sharp’
Pn	Pukapukan	kai	‘eat; food’

There is a small collection of oddments derived from *paŋan which do not fit into the cognate sets above. The most intriguing of these is Arosi (SES) maŋa (VI) ‘eat’, (N) ‘bits of food in the crevices of the teeth after eating’. It appears to reflect PMP *maŋan (Blust 1983-84), the independent intransitive form corresponding with dependent PAn *paŋan (cf §1.3.5.5). Only a few Proto Malayo-Polynesian independent intransitive forms survived into Proto Oceanic, and the history of this form (and why there is just one known Oceanic reflex) is a mystery.

Less mysterious are PROc *va-vaŋan-i (VT) ‘feed’ and PPn *fāŋai ‘feed, provide food for’, both causative verbs with a root reflecting POc *paŋan (VI) ‘eat’. It happens that the POc causative prefix was *pa-, giving a causative form *pa-paŋan-i, where *-i was the transitive suffix. The suffix is reflected in Wayan and also accounts (i) for the retention of root-final -n in Mota, which would have been lost if it was word-final and (ii) for the final *-i of PPn *fāŋai. It appears that the repeated syllable *pa- has been reduced by haplology in Mota and Rotuman, perhaps because reflexes of the root *paŋan have no function in these languages outside the causative (as noted above, in the sense ‘eat’ reflexes of the root *paŋan have been replaced by reflexes of *kani). PPn *fāŋai reflects two idiosyncratic innovations. The first is the replacement of †*fafa- by *fā-. The second is the loss of POc *-n-, already noted above with regard to PPn *kai ‘eat’.

PROc		*va-vaŋan-i	‘feed (animal, person)’
NCV	Mota	vaŋan	‘feed’
Fij	Wayan	vaŋan-i-	‘feed (usually an animal)’
Fij	Rotuman	haŋa	‘feed’
PPn		*fafaŋa	[VT] ‘feed (animal)’
Pn	Tongan	fafaŋa	‘feed (animal)’
Pn	Samoan	fafaŋa	‘feed (animal)’
PPn		*fāŋa-i	‘feed, provide food for (animal, person)’ (POLLEX)
Pn	Niuean	faŋa-i	‘feed (animal, person)’
Pn	Tikopia	fāŋa-i	‘feed (people, pets, plants), give solid food as opposed to fāū feed with breast milk’
Pn	Māori	ɸāŋa-i	‘feed, nourish, bring up (animal, person)’
Pn	Hawaiian	hāŋa-i	‘raise, feed, nourish (animal, person)’

It was remarked above that POc *paŋan and *kani both probably had ‘eat starchy food’ as their more specific meaning. Modern Oceanic languages typically have at least one other ‘eat’ verb, with the meaning ‘eat starch and protein food together’. As the sample below shows, reconstruction of the POc term is impossible, but the concept must have been lexicalised in POc.

NNG	Mapos Buang	-rɔm	‘eat mixed food including meat’
PT	Gumawana	goba	‘eat yam and one other thing at the same time’
PT	Iduna	-kuda-taʔula	‘eat starchy vegetables and meat together’ (-kuda chew, taʔula ‘banana leaf under food’)
MM	Madak	omon	‘eat meat with’
MM	Patpatar	gama	‘mix meat with starchy food’
MM	Ramoaaina	naŋin	‘eat starch and meat together’
SES	Arosi	mamu	‘eat two kinds of food together’
SES	Arosi	ŋau-bʷara-bʷara	‘eat one thing with relish’ (bʷara-bʷara ‘fern species’)
SV	Anejom̃	aθepyañ	‘eat meat or fish with taro’
SV	Sye	-etki	‘eat meat or fish with starchy food’

Also widespread is the concept ‘eat meat/fish alone’:

NNG	Labu	-huŋgu	‘eat meat only’
PT	Iduna	-a-kʷayakʷaya	‘eat meat alone’ (kʷayakʷaya- ‘white’)
MM	Sursurunga	gemnai	‘eat (s.t.) as an accompaniment to starchy food’ (gemgem ‘meat, meat animals’)
MM	Ramoaaina	bet	‘eat meat alone’
SES	Gela	gona, gona-gona	‘eat fish without vegetables’
SES	Arosi	ʔonari	‘eat only fish’
SV	Anejom̃	leɣleɣ	‘eat meat or fish without starch’
SV	Sye	elat	‘eat meat or fish’

The concept ‘eat meat/fish alone’ was possibly already lexicalised in POc, as *[q,k]oda(q), but meaning occurs only in Roviana (MM) and as a subsidiary meaning in Wayan Fijian. More usually the reflexes mean ‘eat s.t. raw’, where the ‘something’ seems most frequently to be meat or fish (contra the gloss ‘raw seafood; eat raw seafood’ in vol.4:438, footnote 6).

PAn		*qetaq	‘eat s.t. raw’ (ACD)
PCEMP		*qentaq	‘eat s.t. raw’ (ACD)
POc		*[q,k]oda(q)	‘eat s.t. raw’ (Blust 1972b; ACD; Lichtenberk 1994: 269) 4
PT	Molima	oda	‘eat raw food, of animals’
PT	Kilivila	koda	‘eat something uncooked’
MM	Roviana	oda	‘eat fish without relish or vegetables, etc.; eat garden produce, of pigs’
SES	Gela	oda	‘eat raw; destroy a garden, of animals’
SES	Kwaio	oda	‘eat raw; eat a garden, of a pig’
SES	Arosi	oga	‘eat food raw, uncooked’
Mic	Kiribati	ora-ora	‘act of eating fish or meat in a raw state’
Mic	Kosraean	oṣe	‘eat raw’
Mic	Woleaian	xoṣɔ̄ṣ	‘eat food raw’
Mic	Pulo Annian	xosa-	‘eat food raw’
Mic	Chuukese	woc̣a(amas)	‘eat raw’
Fij	Bauan	koda	‘eat raw meat’
Fij	Wayan	koda	‘eat raw fish or shellfish; eat fish or meat by itself’
Pn	Tongan	ʔota	‘raw, uncooked, mostly of meat, fish, shell-fish, or eggs; eat raw fish or shell-fish’
Pn	Niuean	ota	‘eat raw; a dish of raw fish fixed with coconut cream’
Pn	Samoan	ota	‘pickle (fish for eating raw); dish of pickled raw fish’
Pn	Tuvalu	ota	‘raw fish or fruit; eat fish raw’
Pn	Māori	ota	‘unripe, uncooked; eat raw or in an uncooked state’

Meat or fish was a less frequent food ingredient than starchy staples, but it was clearly valued, as the occurrence of verbs meaning ‘crave for meat/fish’ indicates:

PT	Iduna	-onanaga	‘crave for meat’
MM	Patpatar	bite, bui	‘crave for meat’
SV	Sye	-aŋot	‘hungry for meat’ (lit. ‘itch’)
Fij	Wayan	tovi	‘crave for meat or fish’

Terms for ‘eat greens alone’ are rarer, probably reflecting the fact that Oceanic speakers rarely eat leafy vegetables without any other food:

MM	Ramoaaina	odo	‘eat greens alone’
SES	Arosi	ŋau-kokona	‘eat only greens’ (kokona ‘smooth, slippery’)
Pn	Tongan	hamu	‘eat vegetables only’

PPn *samu seems to have meant something like ‘eat one food only’, and in Nuclear Polynesian (reflexes other than Tongan and Niuean) ‘eat protein food only’. If the Gedaged terms below are cognate, then POc *samu is reconstructable, perhaps with the sense ‘eat food that adds relish to staples’. In the Gedaged area this typically consists of green vegetables, with a small quantity of fish as a possible addition.

NNG	Gedaged	same	‘eat fruit flesh’(Milke 1961)
NNG	Gedaged	samu(n)	‘savoury kinds of food that add relish to staples’(Mager 1952)

PPn		*samu	‘eat one food only’ (POLLEX)
Pn	Tongan	hamu	‘eat vegetables only’
Pn	Niuean	(kai)hamu	‘eat meat without vegetables’
Pn	Anutan	(kai)tamu	‘eat fish only’
Pn	East Uvean	hamu(kō)	‘eat one food only’
Pn	East Futunan	samu(kō)	‘eat one food only (fish without vegetables or vice versa)’
Pn	Tuvalu	hamu	‘eat only one food at a time’
Pn	Emae	(kai)samu	‘eat meat only’

It is difficult to know if POc *kamu meant more than just ‘eat’. The reflexes below that are glossed ‘chew (betelnut)’ all occur in the Southeast Solomonic area, and the Rennellese and Tikopia terms must be borrowings from a Southeast Solomonic language as betelnut has never been a part of Polynesian culture.

POc		*kamu	‘eat’
MM	Blablanga	ɣamu	‘eat’
MM	Maringe	ɣamu	[VI, VT] ‘eat’
SES	Lau	kamu	‘chew (betelnut)’
SES	’Are’are	kamu	‘chew (betelnut)’
SES	Sa’a	kamu	‘chew (betelnut)’
Pn	Tahitian	ʔamu	‘eat’
Pn	Māori	kamu	‘eat, munch’

cf. also:

Fij	Bauan	gamut-a	‘take hold of between the teeth’
Fij	Wayan	gam	[VI] ‘be clamped, as s.t. held between the teeth or by a vice’
Fij	Wayan	gamt-i	[VT] ‘clamp s.t., hold s.t. in the teeth or mouth’
Pn	Rennellese	kamu	‘chew (betelnut)’ (borrowed)
Pn	Tikopia	kamu	‘chew (betelnut)’ (borrowed)

3.1.2. Chewing and then eating, gnawing⇫

Chewing is conceptualised in many Oceanic languages as two separate activities: chewing with the intention of eating, and chewing something of which the residue will afterwards be spat out. The object of the latter, either implied or specified, is typically sugarcane or betelnut. This section is concerned with chewing and eating, whilst chewing without eating is discussed in §4.3.1.3.

Lichtenberk (1994b) and Ross, Clark and Osmond (vol.1:238) comment on the phonaesthetic pattern *kʷV[r,R,s]V-⁵ in POc terms meaning ‘scrape’. A similar pattern, but with initial *ŋ-, appears to be present in chewing verbs such as POc *ŋari(s), *ŋaris-i- ‘gnaw, of animals’ in this section and POc *ŋasu (VI), *ŋasi (VT) ‘chew (betelnut, sugarcane), bite into’ and PNNG *ŋuru ‘chew (sugarcane)’ in §4.3.1.3, as well as a multiplicity of similar but not fully cognate forms which are listed under ‘cf. also’ beneath the *ŋari(s)/*ŋaris-i- and *ŋas (VI)/*ŋas-i (VT) sets. The primary chew-and-eat verb POc *ŋau ‘chew and eat’ also begins with *ŋ-.

Two POc verb roots are reconstructed for ‘chew and eat’, *ŋau ‘chew and eat’ and POc *ŋari(s) ‘gnaw’, *ŋaris-i- ‘gnaw (s.t.), of animals’. The semantic distinction is clear in Polynesian reflexes where *ŋari- terms refer to gnawing or nibbling by animals, particularly rats, while reflexes of *ŋau refer to human chewing/eating. A number of reflexes of the latter have become a general term for ‘eat’.

POc		*ŋau	‘chew and eat’
NNG	Sio	ŋau	‘chew on repeatedly’
NNG	Numbami	ŋa-ŋau-i	‘chew’
NNG	Gitua	ŋau	‘chew’
MM	Bola	ŋau	‘chew’
MM	Notsi	ŋau-ŋau	‘Canarium almond’
MM	Tabar	ŋau	‘eat’
MM	Tangga	ŋau	‘(dog +) bite’
MM	Madak	ŋau	‘(fire) burn’
MM	Vaghua	ŋa-ŋa	‘eat’
MM	Varisi	ŋa-ŋa	‘eat’
MM	Babatana	ŋa-ŋau	‘chew (food)’
MM	Nduke	ŋa-ŋau	‘eat’
MM	Vangunu	ŋa-ŋau	‘eat’
MM	Blablanga	ŋau	‘eat’
SES	Gela	ŋau	‘shell gimlet’
SES	Kwaio	ŋau	‘sharp, pointed’
SES	Sa’a	ŋau	[VT] ‘eat s.t.’
SES	Arosi	ŋau	[VT] ‘eat s.t.’
SES	Bauro	ŋau	‘eat’
NCV	Mota	ŋau	‘gnaw, champ, bite’
Mic	Kiribati	ŋau-ŋau	‘eat voraciously’
Pn	Tongan	ŋau	‘gnaw, chew (to get juice only)’
Pn	Rennellese	ŋau	‘chew, as pandanus, sugar cane, betel husks; bite’
Pn	Samoan	ŋau	‘chew’
Pn	Tikopia	ŋau	‘bite, chew’

cf. also:

MM

Tolai

ŋo(ŋe)

‘betel chew’ (where -ŋe may reflect a nominaliser)

POc		*ŋari(s), *ŋaris-i-	‘gnaw, nibble, (perhaps of animals)’
PT	Motu	ɣari-a	[VT] ‘gnaw s.t.’
MM	Nakanai	gari	‘bite’ (for †gali)
MM	Meramera	gali	‘bite’
PMic		*ŋari, *ŋari-ti	‘nibble, gnaw, crunch’ (Bender et al., 2003)
Mic	Kosraean	ŋar-ŋar	‘crushing, crunching, cracking sound’
Mic	Marshallese	ŋar-ŋar	‘bite the dust, feed off a surface’
Mic	Carolinian	ŋær	‘be gnawed or nibbled’
Mic	Woleaian	ŋaẓi-ŋeẓis-i	‘chew, crunch, gnaw’
PPn		*ŋali	‘nibble, gnaw’ (POLLEX)
Pn	Tongan	ŋali	‘nibble, chew, gnaw, as a rat’
Pn	Niuean	ŋali	‘gnaw, as a rat’
Pn	Rennellese	ŋagi-ŋagi	‘bite while holding in the hand’
Pn	Samoan	ŋali	‘gnaw’
Pn	Tikopia	ŋari	‘bite with teeth, gnaw, nibble’
Pn	Tokelauan	ŋali	‘gnaw; bite off piece by piece from a big piece’
Pn	Hawaiian	nali	‘nibble, gnaw’

cf. also:

MM	Roviana	ŋuri-ŋurih-i	‘gnaw’ (-h- < POc *-s-)
SES	To’aba’ita	ŋori-	[VT] ‘of animals, gnaw, gnaw at s.t.’
SES	Sa’a	ŋero	[VI] ‘chew, nibble, of rats’

3.1.3. Chewing without swallowing⇫

Seven terms are reconstructed for chewing without swallowing:

1. POc *ŋas (VI), *ŋas-i- (VT) ‘chew (betelnut), suck and chew (sugarcane), bite into’
2. PNNG *ŋuru ‘suck and chew (sugarcane)’
3. POc *qusi- ‘suck and chew (sugarcane)’
4. POc *mamaq (VI), *mamaq-i- (VT) ‘chew, masticate but not swallow’
5. POc *meme (VI), *[me]me-i- (VT) ‘premasticate food for baby’
6. POc *jamu (VI), *jamʷ-i- (VT) ‘chew (betelnut)’ (Ross 1988:78)
7. ?? PEOc *dramu (VI), *dramʷ-i- (VT) ‘chew’

With so many POc terms for the same or similar activities, one would expect them to have had different uses. Among the glosses of their reflexes one can distinguish general terms that make no reference to what is chewed, specialist terms used for chewing betelnut or sugarcane, and terms that refer to premasticating food for a baby. However, it is difficult to attribute specific meanings to the POc reconstructions because reflexes have undergone meaning shifts. A small complication is that ‘chew betelnut’ was a meaning in the wordlists elicited by Ross, but it is possible that terms thus glossed are also used for other kinds of chewing.

Betelnut chewing is singled out in many Oceanic languages because of its social significance. Betelnut is a stimulant, Areca catechu, POc *buaq (vol.3:391–395), chewed throughout lowland New Guinea and NW Island Melanesia.

Palms are grown in village groves or singly near houses. The seed may be chewed alone, but usually people chew a quid consisting of the seed, lime and a catkin or leaf of Piper betle [POc *[pu-]pulu] …. Chewing the seed induces salivation, and if lime is present it turns the chewed mass bright red. Some people swallow all but the initial burst of saliva, whilst others spit out the red masticate. Initially, chewing leads to a very short-lived dizziness, followed by a sense of renewed wakefulness. In Papua New Guinea and parts of the Solomons chewing betelnut is a social ritual when people meet. Convention requires that the host offer betelnut to visitors …. (vol.3:392)

So ‘chewing betelnut’ entails a semantic frame which includes not only the physical practices but also the assertion of social solidarity associated with chewing.

Betelnut is not chewed in Vanuatu, Fiji, Polynesia or Micronesia, where a similar social function is performed by kava-drinking (kava is made from Piper methysticum).

Another common activity in NW Melanesian villages is chewing a piece of sugarcane, Saccharum officinarum, POc *topu (vol.3:389–391).

The jointed, fibrous stalks contain sucrose, obtained by cutting off a stem and chopping it into convenient lengths which are sucked and chewed as a refreshing snack. When the sugar has been sucked out, the rubbish is spat out. (vol.3:390)

It has proven easier to identify POc terms for chewing sugarcane than for chewing betelnut.

Reflexes of *ŋas/*ŋas-i- and *mamaq/*mamaq-i- are geographically interlaced in the North New Guinea and Meso-Melanesian clusters of Western Oceanic,⁶ whilst the former prevails in Southeast Solomonic, the latter in Vanuatu and the Central Pacific. It is difficult to infer a difference in meaning between them from the glosses of their reflexes. Glosses of the reflexes of *ŋas/*ŋas-i- refer to both betelnut and sugarcane, but the term has reflexes only in the betelnut-chewing region, suggesting that it was used mainly of chewing betelnut. Glosses of Western Oceanic reflexes of *mamaq/*mamaq-i- refer only to betelnut-chewing, but there are also reflexes outside the betelnut-chewing region, which tend to denote chewing without swallowing and in NCV and Polynesian sometimes refer specifically to premasticating food to be fed to a baby.

If the canonic derivation of POc verbs from PMP reduplicated monosyllables is applied (Blust 1977b; see also vol.2:25) to *ŋas/*ŋas-i-, the expected intransitive form is †*ŋa-ŋas, but this is nowhere reflected, perhaps because the verb’s general meaning typically required an object specifying what was chewed. However, Banoni and Maringe ŋasa both reflect the Proto NW Solomonic final echo vowel *-a, pointing to an earlier intransitive *ŋas.

It is tempting to attribute Hoava ŋahu and Vangunu ŋasu, both ‘sharp’ (under ‘cf. also’ below), to this set, extending the observation that words for ‘sharp’ are sometimes derived from eating verbs (§4.3.1.1). However, two features speak against this. First, *ŋasi- is not semantically a verb of eating. Second, final -u is non-etymological. From this perspective, Mono-Alu asu ‘chew (betelnut)’ is also not a regular reflex of POc *ŋas or *ŋasi-. Loss of initial *ŋ- is regular, but final -u appears to reflect blending of regular pre-Mono-Alu †*ŋasa (the expected reflex of POc *ŋas) with a reflex of putative *ŋasu ‘sharp’ (of unknown antiquity).

PMP		*ŋasŋas	‘crush with the teeth’ (ACD)
POc		*ŋas	[VI] ‘chew (betelnut), suck and chew (sugarcane), bite into’
POc		*ŋas-i-	[VT] ‘chew (betelnut), suck and chew (sugarcane), bite into’
NNG	Bebeli	nes	‘chew (betelnut)’
NNG	Rauto	ŋes	‘chew (betelnut)’
NNG	Aria	ŋes	‘chew (betelnut)’
NNG	Atui	ŋas	‘chew (betelnut)’
NNG	Akolet	ŋes	‘chew (betelnut)’
NNG	Apalik	ŋes	‘chew (betelnut)’
NNG	Mangseng	ŋas	‘chew (betelnut)’
NNG	Mengen	ŋesi-	‘suck, chew (e.g. sugarcane)’
MM	Nakanai	gari	‘chew up, bite into, eat’
MM	Madak	ŋas	‘chew (betelnut)’
MM	Lamasong	ŋas	‘chew (betelnut)’
MM	Sursurunga	ŋasi	[VT] ‘bite, chew’
MM	Patpatar	ŋas	[VT] ‘chew’
MM	Ramoaaina	ŋa	[VT] ‘chew’
MM	Label	ŋas	‘chew’
MM	Kandas	ŋas	‘bite’
MM	Siar	ŋas	‘chew (betelnut); bite’
MM	Taiof	(a)ŋas	‘chew (betelnut)’
MM	Tinputz	nah	‘chew (betelnut)’
MM	Teop	nah	‘chew (betelnut)’
MM	Banoni	ŋasa	‘chew (betelnut)’
MM	Maringe	ŋasa	‘chew s.t. tough’
SES	Gela	ŋasi	‘suck, as sugarcane; bite; husk with the teeth, of coconuts’
SES	Lengo	(ŋa)ŋaði	‘chew (sugarcane)’
SES	Longgu	nasi-	[VT] ‘chew s.t. (e.g. sugarcane)’
SES	Kwaio	ŋasi	‘suck on sugar cane’
SES	’Are’are	nasi	‘chew, gnaw’
SES	Sa’a	ŋasi	[VT] ‘chew (sugarcane), roll about in the mouth’
SES	Arosi	ŋasi	‘chew (sugarcane)’
SES	To’aba’ita	ŋasi	‘sugarcane’

cf. also:

MM	Mono-Alu	asu	‘chew (betelnut)’
MM	Hoava	ŋahu	‘sharp’
MM	Vangunu	ŋasu	‘sharp’
SES	Bugotu	ŋa-ŋata	‘chew (sugarcane)’
SES	Gela	ŋata-ŋata	‘bite off’
SES	Gela	ŋaŋata	‘chew’
SES	Longgu	ŋata-	[VT] ‘chew something on one side of the mouth’
SES	Longgu	ŋata-ŋata	[VI] ‘chew or grind on one side of the mouth, as when eating a nut’

PNNG *ŋuru is listed here because it manifests the phonaesthetic pattern mentioned in §4.3.1.2.

PNNG		*ŋuru	‘suck and chew (sugarcane)’
NNG	Kove	ŋoho	‘chew s.t. hardish or sticky’
MM	Bola	ŋuru	‘suck, kiss’
NNG	Mangga	ŋur	‘chew or suck (sugarcane)’
NNG	Mapos Buang	ŋur	‘chew or suck sugarcane’
NNG	Patep	ŋul	‘chew (sugarcane)’
NNG	Kapin	ŋul	‘chew (sugarcane)’
NNG	Piu	(a)ŋor	‘chew (sugarcane)’

Blust (ACD) offers evidence that Proto Malayo-Polynesian had a term referring specifically to chewing sugarcane. As Oceanic evidence he offers just the Mota reflex, and we have found one further Oceanic cognate.

PMP		*ququs	‘chewing on sugarcane’ (ACD)
POc		*qusi-	[VT] ‘suck and chew (sugarcane)’7
MM	Nehan	uhu	‘chew (sugarcane etc)’
NCV	Mota	us	‘chew sugarcane’

POc *mamaq (VI), *mamaq-i- (VT) is reconstructed with final *-q on the basis of Tolai, Minigir, Label and Siar -i and Namakir -ʔ.

PMP		*mamaq	‘chew’ (Dempwolff 1938)
POc		*mamaq	[VI] ‘chew, masticate but not swallow’
POc		*mamaq-i-	[VT] ‘chew, masticate but not swallow’
Adm	Seimat	mama-i	[VT] ‘chew’
NNG	Malai	mama(ŋ)	‘betel chew’
NNG	Mindiri	mami	‘chew (betelnut)’
NNG	Bilibil	-mam	‘chew (betelnut)’
NNG	Gedaged	mam	[VT] ‘chew, especially betel but also food’
NNG	Megiar	-mam	‘chew (betelnut)’
NNG	Takia	-mam	‘chew (betelnut)’
MM	Vitu	mama	‘chew (betelnut)’
MM	Bulu	mama	‘chew (betelnut)’
MM	Bola	mama	‘chew (betelnut)’
MM	Harua	mama	‘betel chew’
MM	Nakanai	mama	‘chew (betelnut)’
MM	Meramera	mama	‘chew (betelnut)’
MM	Sursurunga	ma	‘chew (betelnut)’
MM	Minigir	mamai	‘chew (betelnut)’ (-i < *-q)
MM	Tolai	mamai	[VI] ‘chew (betelnut)’ (-i < *-q)
MM	Label	mai	‘chew (betelnut)’ (-i < *-q)
MM	Ramoaaina	mama	‘chew (betelnut)’
MM	Siar	mamai	‘betel chew’ (-i < *-q)
MM	Torau	mama	‘chew (betelnut)’
SES	Gela	mama	[VT] ‘chew fine; feed a baby with pap’
SES	Arosi	ma-i-ma-i	‘chew (sugarcane)’
NCV	Kiai	mama	‘eat pre-chewed taro’
NCV	Kiai	mama-i-	‘feed with pre-chewed taro’
NCV	Raga	mama	‘chew, as mothers do for food for children’
NCV	Namakir	mamaʔ	‘chew food for baby’
SV	Lenakel	a-ma-i	‘chew’
SV	Anejom̃	a-ma-i	‘chew’
Fij	Bauan	mamā	‘chew and spit out again, of kava etc’
PPn		*mama	‘chew, masticate but not swallow’
Pn	Tongan	mama	‘chew, esp. kava root in former times or candlenuts before using as soap, or food to be fed to a baby’
Pn	Rennellese	mama	‘chew without swallowing’
Pn	Samoan	mama	‘premasticate kava or food for infants’
Pn	Tikopia	mama	‘chew but not swallow, as kava root’
Pn	Tahitian	mama	‘premasticate kava or food for infants’
Pn	Emae	mama	‘chew s.t. until soft’
Pn	Hawaiian	mama	‘chew, masticate but not swallow’

cf. also:

PT

Roro

momo

‘betel chew’

Vanuatu reflexes of POc *meme (VI), *[me]me-i- (VT) have the very specific meaning ‘premasticate food for baby’, where the baby is the object of the transitive form. However, inspection of the glosses below and the glosses of reflexes of POc *mamaq ‘chew betelnut’ above suggests that there has been some blending of the two terms, whereby one of the two verbs also takes on the meaning of the other. It seems likely that Vanuatu reflexes preserve the POc sense, since there is no other POc candidate for the meaning ‘premasticate food for baby’. No reflex from outside Vanuatu with this meaning has been found.

POc		*meme	[VI] ‘chew; (?) premasticate food for baby’
POc		*[me]me-i-	[VT] ‘chew; (?) premasticate food for baby’
Adm	Lou	meme(m)	‘chew food without swallowing it’
MM	Sursurunga	meme	‘leftovers or waste from betel nut chewing’
MM	Ramoaaina	meme	‘chewed betelnut and lime; the red spittle from it’
SES	Lau	meme	‘chew (sugarcane); masticate food generally’
SES	Kwaio	meme	‘chew (sugarcane)’
SES	’Are’are	meme	‘chew (betelnut)’
NCV	Southeast Ambrym	me-i	‘feed (an infant)’
NCV	Lewo	meme	‘chew food for baby’
NCV	Lewo	mē-na	‘food chewed by mother for baby’
NCV	Uripiv	-meme-i	‘chew food to make it moist and soft for a baby’
Mic	Marshallese	meme	‘eat (child speech); chew’

POc *jamu perhaps meant ‘chew (betelnut)’, as this is its meaning throughout the betelnut-chewing area. Beyond this area it retains senses related to the fibrous residue remaining after a plant has been chewed or wrung out. PNCV *zamʷan ‘chew, fibrous residue’ appears to have been a noun reflecting the POc nominalisation *jamu-an, suggesting that the meaning of the verb at an immediately pre-PNCV stage was something like ‘spit out residue’, a meaning which is, however, not directly attested. In fact even the verbs in some, if not all, Vanuatu languages listed appear to be back-formations from the nominalisation. Mota samʷan, Kiai zama-i-, Uripiv o-jəm-jəmʷe, Ninde samʷe, Rerep jamue, Nguna samʷa-e all appear to reflect the suffix *-an (*-n is mostly lost in NCV languages).

It is tempting to try to associate POc *jamu with *d(r)amut ‘lime spatula’ (vol.1:77), as the latter belongs to the paraphernalia of betel-chewing, but the resemblance seems to be a chance one.

PPn *samu ‘eat scraps’ has the same form as PPn *samu ‘eat one food only’ (§4.3.1.1), but this is also apparently a chance resemblance.

POc		*jamu	[VI] ‘chew (betelnut)’ (Ross 1988: 78)
POc		*jamʷ-i-	[VT] ‘chew (betelnut)’ (Ross 1988: 78)
Adm	Mussau	rame	‘chew (betelnut)’
NNG	Bam	-jemi	‘chew (betelnut)’
NNG	Manam	zem	‘chew (betelnut)’
NNG	Wogeo	(e)jimu	‘chew (betelnut)’
NNG	Kis	(a)jem	‘chew (betelnut)’
NNG	Kairiru	jem	‘chew (betelnut)’
PT	Motu	ramu	‘chew (betelnut)’ (r- for †d-)
MM	Tiang	səm	‘chew (betelnut)’
PNCV		*zamʷan	‘chew; fibrous residue’ (Clark 2009)
NCV	Mota	samʷan	‘eat what is soft and juicy and has fibres in it’
NCV	Mota	samʷa(i)	‘useless remains, refuse’
NCV	Raga	hamʷa	‘residue of kava root or sugarcane’
NCV	Apma	semʷa	‘residue when liquid has been expressed from grated coconut, yam, etc.’
NCV	Nokuku	jam	‘residue of coconut, kava, sugarcane’
NCV	Kiai	zama-i-	[VT] ‘masticate’
NCV	Uripiv	o-jəm-jəmʷe	‘chew fibrous substance’
NCV	Labo	samʷe	‘chew noisily’
NCV	Rerep	jamue	‘gnaw’
NCV	Rerep	jaman	‘wringings of coconut’
NCV	Namakir	ham	‘kava residue’
NCV	Nguna	samʷa-e	‘chew’
NCV	Nguna	na-samʷa	‘dross (e.g. chewed sugarcane, sawdust, wood shavings, remains of squeezed-out kava)’
PCP		*jamu	‘eat scraps of food’ (Geraghty 1986: 301: ‘scraps of food’)
Fij	Rotuman	jam-jamu	‘eat sparingly’
PPn		*samu	‘eat scraps’ (POLLEX)
Pn	Niuean	(kai)hamu	‘eat scraps’
Pn	Samoan	samu	‘eat scraps’
Pn	Tikopia	samu	‘pick out fastidiously’
Pn	Rennellese	samu	‘bite seeds and spit out pulp’
Pn	Tongarevan	(kai)samu	‘eat scraps of food’
Pn	Tahitian	(ʔai)hamu	‘eat scraps’
Pn	Tuamotuan	hamu	‘eat scraps’
Pn	Marquesan	hamu	‘eat scraps’
Pn	Mangarevan	ʔamu	‘eat leftover food’
Pn	Hawaiian	hamu	‘eat scraps’
Pn	Rarotongan	(kai)ʔamu	‘eat scraps of food’
Pn	Māori	hamu-hamu	‘eat scraps’
Pn	Rapanui	hamu-hamu	‘eat leftovers’

cf. also:

MM

Roviana

hamu-a

‘chew’ (h for †z)

The set below appears to reflect an earlier intransitive, POc *ñamu, corresponding to POc *jamu in the same way as POc *paŋan (VI) ‘eat’ corresponds to *kani (VT) ‘eat’. Blust (ACD) notes a corresponding Javanese pair, ñamuk-ñamuk (VI)/camuk-camuk (VT) ‘chew on something with the mouth full’.

POc		*ñamu	[VI] ‘chew (betelnut?)’ (ACD)
NNG	Gedaged	nam	‘eat’ (used when speaking to small children)
SES	’Are’are	namu	‘chew betelnut; chew, masticate’
Fij	Bauan	namu-namu	[VI] ‘chew and swallow’
Fij	Bauan	namu-t-a	[VT] ‘chew and swallow’

Tentatively reconstructed PEOc *dramu (VI), *dramʷ-i- (VT) ‘chew’ below is suspect because the SE Solomonic reflexes other than Gela dami could equally well reflect POc *jamu (VI), *jamʷ-i- (VT). The reflexes of PPn *lamu ‘chew’, however, are clearly distinct from those of PPn *samu ‘eat scraps’.

PEOc		*dramu	[VI] ‘chew’
PEOc		*dramʷ-i-	[VT] ‘chew’
SES	Gela	dami	‘chew (betelnut)’
SES	Lau	dami	‘chew (betelnut); betel pepper’
SES	To’aba’ita	damu-	[VT] ‘chew s.t. (properly used only of animals)’
SES	Lau	damu	‘smack lips’
SES	Kwaio	damu	‘chew (betelnut)’
SES	Ulawa	damu	[VI] ‘chew betel’
SES	Arosi	damu	‘chew (betelnut)’
SES	Bauro	tamu	‘chew (betelnut)’
PPn		*lamu	‘chew’ (POLLEX)
Pn	Tongan	lamu	‘chew’
Pn	Niuean	lamu	[VT] ‘eat, chew’
Pn	Pukapukan	lamu-lamu	‘eat’
Pn	East Futunan	lamu	‘chew’
Pn	Rennellese	gamu-gamu	‘gobble food noisily’
Pn	Samoan	lamu	‘chew’
Pn	Tokelauan	lamu	‘chew’

3.2. Drinking and sucking⇫

The verbs reconstructed in this section denote the ingestion of liquids. Like eating (§4.3.1.1), drinking in general was evidently expressed in Proto Oceanic by a pair of verbs, intransitive and transitive. There were evidently two lexically encoded manners of drinking. One entailed opening the mouth and pouring liquid from a vessel (often a young coconut) which did not touch the lips (§4.3.2.1.1). The other involved contact between the lips and the drinking vessel and translates roughly as sipping and slurping (§4.3.2.1.2).

Sucking for Proto Oceanic speakers was perhaps not one category but three or four: sucking other than at the mother’s breast in order to drink (§4.3.2.2), sucking at the mother’s breast (§4.3.2.3), sucking at a pipe in order to inhale its smoke (§4.3.2.4), and making sucking noises (in §4.3.6 below). The glosses of sucking verbs often include ‘kiss’, for which Proto Oceanic appears not to have had a dedicated term. The Oceanic way of greeting is or was by pressing the nose to face or limb and sniffing, an action often described as kissing (see POc *asok (VI) *asok-i (VT) ‘sniff’ in §8.4).

3.2.1. Drinking⇫

Just as a pair of Proto Oceanic verbs *paŋan and *kani-, respectively intransitive and transitive (§4.3.1.1), can be reconstructed for ‘eat’, so too a pair can be reconstructed for ‘drink’: *mʷinum (VI) and *inum-i- (VT) (cf §1.3.5.5). Unlike terms for ‘eat’, reflexes of the two ‘drink’ verbs appear never to co-occur in an Oceanic language as an intransitive/transitive pair, and in many languages we find either that a new transitive has been formed from a reflex of intransitive *mʷinum or that a new intransitive has been back-formed from transitive *inum-i-, giving intransitive *inum. Reflexes of the intransitive and transitive do occur, however, in closely related languages. Thus Bauan Fijian ŋunu/ŋunuv- reflects *mʷinum, whilst Boumaa Fijian inu/inum- reflects *inum-i-.

The derivation of the ‘drink’ pair is different from the ‘eat’ pair. The Proto Malayo-Polynesian intransitive of ‘eat’ was formed with *paN-, whereas the intransitive of ‘drink’ was formed with a prefix allomorph of the PMP infix *⟨um⟩, giving *um-inum (§1.3.5.5). Non-Oceanic languages have sometimes lost initial *u- (e.g. Malay minum), but there is evidence that it was still present at an immediately pre-Proto Oceanic stage, as it caused labialisation of *m-, giving POc *mʷinum rather than *minum (Lynch 2002e). This is attested both by reflexes that retain mʷi- and by those that have simplified *mʷi- to mu-.

PMP		*um-inum	[VI] ‘eat’ (ACD)
POc		*mʷinum	[VI] ‘drink’ (Lynch 2002e)
Adm	Bipi	mʷin	‘drink’
NCV	Raga	mʷinu	‘drink’
NCV	Lonwolwol	muen	‘drink’
NCV	Southeast Ambrym	mu-mun	[VI] ‘drink’
NCV	Southeast Ambrym	mun-i-	[VT] ‘drink’
NCV	Uripiv	min-i	‘drink’
NCV	Port Sandwich	mün-i	‘drink’
NCV	Labo	mün	‘drink, lap up’
NCV	Paamese	mun	[VT] ‘drink’
NCV	Paamese	mun-mun	[VI] ‘drink’
NCV	Lewo	mu	[VI] ‘drink, suck’
NCV	Lewo	muni	[VT] ‘drink, suck; kiss’
NCV	Namakir	munum	‘drink’
NCV	Nguna	munu-ŋi	‘drink’
NCV	South Efate	min	‘drink’
PSV		*a-mʷuni(m,mʷ)	‘drink’ (Lynch 2001c)
SV	Sye	omon-ki	‘drink’
SV	Ura	omni	‘drink’
SV	Lenakel	a-mnuumʷ	‘drink’
SV	Anejom̃	a-mʷoɲ	[VI] ‘drink’
SV	Anejom̃	a-mʷɲ-i-	[VT] ‘drink’
Fij	Bauan	ŋunu	‘drink’
Fij	Bauan	ŋunu-v-	‘be drunk (by s.o.)’

PMP		*inum	‘drink’ (ACD)
POc		*inum	[VI] ‘drink’
POc		*inum-i-	[VT] ‘drink’
Adm	Wuvulu	inu	‘drink’
Adm	Aua	inu	‘drink’ (Smythe)
Adm	Lou	im	‘drink’
Adm	Kaniet	num	‘drink’
NNG	Maleu	in	‘drink’
NNG	Sio	inu	‘drink’
NNG	Lukep	-in	‘drink’
NNG	Malasanga	-in	‘drink’
NNG	Bam	in	‘drink’
PT	Motu	inu-a	[VT] ‘drink’
PT	Dobu	numa	[VT,VI] ‘drink’
MM	Bola	(n)inu	‘drink’
MM	Harua	inu	‘drink’
MM	Nakanai	liu	‘drink’ (metathesis)8
MM	Lavongai	inum	‘drink’
MM	Tigak	inum	‘drink’
MM	East Kara	num	‘drink’
MM	West Kara	num	‘drink’
MM	Nalik	inim	‘drink’
MM	Madak	(n)in	‘drink’
MM	Barok	(n)in	‘suck’
MM	Kandas	inum	‘drink’
MM	Tolai	inim	[VI, VT] ‘drink’
MM	Ramoaaina	inim	‘drink’
MM	Nehan	inum	‘drink’
SES	Gela	inu	[VI] ‘drink’
SES	West Guadalcanal	inu	‘drink’
SES	Tolo	inu, inu-vi-	‘drink’
SES	Birao	inu	‘drink’
SES	Lengo	inu	‘drink’
SES	Sa’a	inu	[VI] ‘drink’
SES	Sa’a	inu-hi	[VT] ‘drink’
NCV	Mwotlap	in	‘drink’
NCV	Tangoa	inu	‘drink’
NCV	Tamambo	inu	[VI] ‘drink’
NCV	Tamambo	inum-i	[VT] ‘drink’
SV	Kwamera	a-numʷ-i	‘drink’
SV	Southwest Tanna	nəm	‘drink’
Pn	Tongan	inu-	[VI] ‘drink’
Pn	Tongan	inu-ʔi-	[VT] ‘drink’
Pn	Samoan	inu	‘drink’
Pn	Samoan	inum-i-a	[V PERFECTIVE] ‘be drunk’
Pn	Anutan	inu	‘drink’
Pn	Māori	inu	‘drink’
Pn	Māori	inum-i-a	[V PASSIVE] ‘be drunk’
Pn	Hawaiian	inu	‘drink; a drink, drinking’
Pn	Hawaiian	inum-i-a	‘be drunk’

A good many reflexes of POc *inum/*inumi have replaced initial *i- with u-. This is probably the result of anticipating the stressed vowel in *inúmi, but may also reflect early analogy with the intransitive form, i.e. *mʷinum > *munum, then by analogy *inum > *unum. Because reflexes with u- are readily explained and occur at scattered locations (in languages of East Nusantara as well as in Oceanic; ACD), we take them to reflect idiosyncratic local changes and do not reconstruct POc †*unum.⁹ These reflexes are:

Adm	Seimat	un	[VI] ‘drink’
Adm	Seimat	unum-i	[VT] ‘drink’ (Smythe)
Adm	Titan	un	‘drink’
NNG	Kove	-unu	‘drink’
NNG	Bariai	-un	‘drink’
MM	Notsi	(n)un	‘drink’
MM	Tabar	unu	‘drink’
MM	Lihir	-un	‘drink’
NCV	Mota	un	‘drink’
NCV	Mota	unu-v	‘cause drink; sink in, be absorbed, of a fluid’
NCV	Sungwadaga	unu	‘drink’
Mic	Woleaian	ʉrʉ	[VI] ‘drink, smoke a cigarette’
Mic	Woleaian	ʉrʉm-i	[VT] ‘drink, smoke s.t.’
Mic	Puluwatese	wɨn	[VI] ‘drink, smoke, take medicine’
Mic	Puluwatese	wɨnɨm-i	[VT] ‘drink, smoke, take medicine’
Mic	Chuukese	wɨɾ	‘drink, smoke’
Mic	Chuukese	wɨɾɨm-i	[VT] ‘drink; smoke (tobacco); take (medicine); eat (honey); ingest (something) without chewing’
Fij	Boumā	unu	[VI] ‘drink’
Fij	Boumā	unum-	[VT] ‘drink’
Pn	Nukuoro	unu	‘drink’
Pn	Nukuoro	unum-ia	[V PERFECTIVE] ‘be drunk’
Pn	Māori	unu	‘drink’
Pn	Māori	unum-ia	[V PASSIVE] ‘be drunk’

A number of reflexes of *inum/*inumi have acquired an initial onset consonant, usually ɣ- or ʔ-, bringing them into line with the consonant-initial majority of roots. Again, these appear to be local developments.

NNG	Tuam	ɣun	‘drink’
NNG	Malai	-ɣun	‘drink’
NNG	Gitua	-ɣun-ɣun	‘drink’
NNG	Malalamai	-ɣun-ɣun	‘drink’
MM	Vitu	ɣinu	‘drink’
MM	Bali	ɣinum-i-	[VT] ‘drink’
MM	Bulu	ɣinu	‘drink’
MM	Meramera	ʔinu	‘drink, suck’
SES	Longgu	ʔinu	[VI] ‘drink’
SES	Longgu	ʔinu-vi	[VT] ‘drink s.t, soak s.t. up’

3.2.1.1. Pouring down the throat

A common Melanesian way of drinking, especially from a young coconut with a hole in the shell, is to tip one’s head back, mouth open, and to pour the coconut water down the throat without the lips touching the coconut. There is evidence that Proto Oceanic speakers had a verb for this action, apparently with the form *gʷagʷa or *gʷaŋʷa. The first form is reflected in Tawala (PT), Hahon and Teop (MM, NW Solomonic), the latter by Sursurunga and Siar (MM, South New Ireland) and Gela (SES). The forms from Solos to Gela all reflect initial *(k,kʷ)-, suggesting that the form may have been *kʷagʷa or *kʷaŋʷa. It is possible that the Proto Oceanic form continues PMP *kaŋa ‘be open, as the mouth’ and that the labialisation of the consonants is an Oceanic development, perhaps onomatopoeic. If so, then the Proto Oceanic form was presumably *kʷaŋʷa or *gʷaŋʷa.¹⁰

Because this was a traditional manner of drinking, it is unsurprising that a number of reflexes below have the simple gloss ‘drink’.

The items under ‘cf. also’ are listed because it is remotely possible that they are somehow related to the POc form. The two MM forms are from Santa Isabel languages, i.e. very close to Bugotu, and are probably borrowed from there.

PMP		*kaŋa	‘be open, as the mouth’ (ACD)
POc		*(gʷ,kʷ)a(gʷ,ŋʷ)a	‘drink by pouring down the throat’
PT	Tawala	gʷagʷa	‘trickle (water in the hills); drink coconut holding it away from the mouth’
MM	Sursurunga	gəŋ	[VI] ‘guzzle, drink from something held up above the head’
MM	Sursurunga	gəŋʷa-i	[VT] ‘guzzle’
MM	Siar	gaŋ	‘drink’
MM	Hahon	gaga	‘drink’
MM	Teop	gaga	‘drink’
MM	Solos	kua	‘drink’; ‘water’
MM	Petats	kua	‘drink’
MM	Halia	wa	‘drink’
MM	Selau	wa	‘drink’
MM	Banoni	kuu	‘drink’
MM	Piva	kuu	‘drink’
SES	Gela	kaŋa	‘drink by pouring down the throat’

cf. also:

MM	Blablanga	koʔu	‘drink; water’
MM	Maringe	koʔu	‘drink; water’
SES	Bugotu	kou	‘drink’
SES	Lau	gʷou	‘drink’
SES	Kwara’ae	kʷoʔhi-	[VT] ‘drink’
SES	Kwaio	goʔufi-	[VT] ‘drink’
SES	’Are’are	koʔuh-	[VT] ‘drink’

3.2.1.2. Sipping and slurping

The terms reconstructed below refer to drinking from a spoon or bowl and contrast semantically with the style of drinking denoted by POc *(gʷ,kʷ)a(gʷ,ŋʷ)a ‘drink by pouring down the throat’ in §4.3.2.1.1.

Despite the formal and semantic similarities between POc *iRup/*iRup-i- ‘sip (as soup), slurp’ and POc *soRop/*soRop-i- ‘absorb (liquid), suck up (liquid), sip, slurp’ (§4.3.2.2), the terms have separate origins.

PAn		*SiRup	‘sip, as soup or rice wine from a bowl’ (ACD)
PMP		*hiRup	‘sip, as soup or rice wine from a bowl’
POc		*iRup	[VI] ‘sip (as soup), slurp’ (ACD)
POc		*iRup-i-	[VT] ‘sip (as soup), slurp’ (ACD)
SES	Gela	ilu, iluv-i-	‘drink cabbage soup’
SES	Gela	ilu-ilu	‘drink medicine’
SES	Lau	ilu, iluf-i-	‘drink with a spoon, sup, drink soup’
SES	Lau	ilufia	‘drunk’
SES	’Are’are	iruh-i-	‘drink slowly’
SES	Ulawa	ilu, iluh-i-	‘sup (as yam soup)’
SES	Arosi	iru, iruh-i-	‘sip yam soup; to sip, drink’
SES	To’aba’ita	elufi-, iluf-i-	[VT] ‘slurp, drink s.t.’
SES	To’aba’ita	elu-elu	‘slurp food, drink’

3.2.2. Sucking-and-drinking⇫

It was mentioned in §4.3.2 that what in European languages is classed as ‘sucking’ evidently fell into several categories in Proto Oceanic, and continues to do so in modern Oceanic languages. This section is concerned with verbs whose primary meaning is to suck in order to drink. These verbs are often also used figuratively of inanimate substances with the sense ‘absorb (liquid)’.

Three terms reconstructed below, POc *ñoñop/*ñop-i- ‘put the face against, kiss, suck, sniff’, POc *ñosop ‘suck (?)’ and POc *sosop/*sop-i- ‘put lips to, kiss, suck, absorb (moisture)’ are almost certainly derivationally related. The basic PMP form was *sepsep, which by Blust’s (1977) ‘comparative paradigm’ became POc *sosop (VI), *sop-i- (VT). However, parallel with derivation of the intransitive/transitive pair *paŋan/*kani ‘eat’ (§4.3.1.1), PMP would have formed an intransitive/transitive pair *(pa)ñepsep (*paN + *sepsep)/*sepsep, the first member of which is reflected in Baegu, To’aba’ita and Lau below. Initial *pa- was lost or was perhaps never present (as in Malay and other languages of western Indonesia), giving POc intransitive *ñosop (reflected in Lau noso). With the collapse of the intransitive/transitive morphological contrast in early Oceanic, a new transitive was formed from the resulting disyllable, PSES *nosov-i, the direct ancestor of the Baegu, To’aba’ita and Lau transitive forms. Somewhere in the Malayo-Polynesian dialects ancestral to Proto Oceanic *sepsep also gave rise to a monosyllabic base *sep, from which was formed the intransitive *(pa)ñep, giving pre-POc *ñop, from which by analogy POc *ñoñop was created, followed by a transitive derivation in some daughter-languages.

Blust (ACD) reconstructs PMP *ñepñep, but it has few non-Oceanic reflexes, and it seems likely that the process just described occurred independently in different languages where the systematic morphological relationship between intransitive (*paN- + root) and transitive (reduplicated root) had been lost.

PMP		*ñepñep	‘drink, slurp, suck’ (ACD)
POc		*ñoñop	[VI] ‘put the face against, kiss, suck, sniff’
NNG	Sio	ño	‘smell; sniff’
NNG	Manam	nono	‘eat (only mangoes); suck’
MM	Tabar	nop-i	‘suck’
MM	Lungga	ñoñopo	‘suck’
MM	Nduke	ñoñopo	‘suck’
MM	Roviana	nonopo	‘suck’
SES	Longgu	nono	‘kiss’
SES	Longgu	nono-ʔi-	‘suck’
SES	’Are’are	nono	‘kiss, place the face against, sniff’
SES	Sa’a	nono	[VI] ‘place the face against, sniff, kiss’
SES	Ulawa	nonoh-i-	[VT] ‘place the face against, sniff, kiss’
SES	Arosi	nono	‘put the lips to’
SES	Arosi	(hai)nono	‘kiss’

PMP		*(pa)ñepsep	‘sip, suck’
POc		*ñosop	‘suck (?)’
PSES		*noso	[VI] ‘suck, sip, (moisture)’
PSES		*nosov-i-	[VT] ‘suck, sip, (moisture)’
SES	Baegu	notof-i-	‘suck’
SES	To’aba’ita	notof-i-	[VT] ‘suck at, suck out’
SES	Lau	noto	[VI] ‘suck, sip, soak up (moisture)’
SES	Lau	notof-i-	[VT] ‘suck, sip, soak up (moisture)’

PMP		*sepsep	‘sip, suck’ (Blust 1983-4, ACD)
POc		*sosop	[VI] ‘put lips to, kiss, suck, absorb (moisture)’
POc		*sop-i-	[VT] ‘put lips to, kiss, suck, absorb (moisture)’
Adm	Mussau	rop-i	‘drink’
NNG	Hote	-sɔp-sɔp	‘lick (face), kiss, smack (lips)’
NNG	Takia	(awa-) -supi-pi	‘kiss’ (lit. ‘mouth suck’)
PT	Motu	dodo-	[VT] ‘soak up, absorb’
MM	Sursurunga	so-sp-i	‘suck’
MM	Tolai (Nodup)	rup-i-	‘suck’
MM	Nehan	hop	[VI] ‘drown’
SES	Bugotu	sop-i-	‘suck’
SES	Gela	sop-i	‘suck; absorb moisture; lick’
SES	Gela	sopi-sopi	‘suckle’
SES	Kwaio	tō-toto	‘suck, make sucking noise’
SES	Kwaio	totof-i-	‘gulp, suck’
SES	Arosi	toto	[VI] ‘put lips to, drink with lips, suck’; ‘put lips to, drink with lips, suck; to sip honey (of birds)’
SES	Arosi	totoh-i-	[VT] ‘put lips to, drink with lips, suck’
SES	’Are’are	totoh-i-	‘suck, inhale, draw absorb’
SES	Arosi	toto	[VI] ‘put lips to, drink with lips, suck’; ‘put lips to, drink with lips, suck; to sip honey (of birds)’
SES	Sa’a	tototoh-i-	[VT] ‘sink into, be absorbed in, of liquids’

The glosses below indicate that making a noise while drawing in liquid or breath was an element of the meaning of POc *soRop/*soRop-i-, and the Sursurunga gloss ‘sniffle’ suggests that this could occur with the nose as well as with the mouth. This is presumably the basis for NCV shifts in meaning to ‘snort’, ‘snore’, ‘grunt’, and ‘growl’. Bugotu and Gela soropi below are almost certainly borrowed from a NW Solomonic language, as the expected reflex is †solo/solov-i-. The items listed under ‘cf. also’ reflect an unexplained initial *t- rather than *s-.

PMP		*seRep	‘absorb, soak up’ (ACD)
POc		*soRop	[VI] ‘absorb (liquid), suck up (liquid), sip, slurp, sniff’
POc		*soRop-i-	[VT] ‘absorb (liquid), suck up (liquid), sip, slurp, sniff’
PT	Dawawa	suruva	‘rub with nose, kiss’
PT	Dawawa	(wai)suruva	‘kiss’ (wai- RECIP)
MM	Sursurunga	soropu(t)	‘sniffle’
MM	Nehan	hirupu	‘sip’
MM	Vaghua	joropo	‘suck’
MM	Varisi	zorope	‘suck’
SES	Bugotu	sorop-i-	[VT] ‘absorb liquid’
SES	Gela	sorop-i-	[VT] ‘sip, drink soup noisily; suck sugarcane’
NCV	Mota	sorov	‘make a snorting noise at’
NCV	Raga	horov-i	‘butt, snort as if to bite’
NCV	Tamambo	soro	‘breathe’
NCV	Kiai	zorov-i	‘sleep’
NCV	Tolomako	juruv-i	‘snore’
NCV	Namakir	horov	‘drink noisily’
NCV	Nguna	sorov-i	‘grunt, oink, growl’
NCV	South Efate	srof	‘suck, breathe in’

cf. also:

NNG	Patep	həlup	‘sip, slurp (liquid); bubble (of liquids or cooking foods)’
MM	Ririo	torope	‘suck’
MM	Halia	toropo	‘sip’

The POc terms *tumu ‘suck’ and *dumu(s)/*dumus-i- ‘suck on, suck up (liquid)’ below evidently denoted sucking and drinking, but we are not able to infer how they may have differed in meaning from the terms above.

POc		*tumu	‘suck’
NNG	Mangseng	tum	‘suck’
NNG	Mangseng	tumo-ŋ	‘sucking thing; mango’
NNG	Mato	tum-tum	‘suck’
MM	Tinputz	tom	‘suck’
MM	Teop	tomo	‘suck, kiss’
NCV	Labo	tum-tum	‘suck’
NCV	Nguna	tomi-	‘suck’

POc		*dumu(s)	[VI] ‘suck on, suck up (liquid)’
POc		*dumus-i-	[VT] ‘suck on, suck up (liquid)’
NNG	Mengen	rumu	‘suck (a liquid as through a straw)’
NNG	Mengen	rume	‘suck (as a baby), soak up’
MM	Ramoaaina	dum	‘suck, kiss, sip’
PNCV		*dumu-si	[VT] ‘suck, sip, taste’ (Clark 2009)
NCV	Mota	nim	‘touch with the lips, sip, taste, kiss’
NCV	Mota	nimis	‘take a taste of, sip of’
NCV	Unua	-rromj-i	‘kiss, sip’
NCV	Namakir	dom	‘suck; smell’
SV	Kwamera	tumʷi	‘suck on, savour’
Fij	Bauan	domið-	[VT] ‘sip, suck , as a child at the breast’
Fij	Wayan	tom	[VI] ‘suck or drink through a straw or teat’
Fij	Wayan	tomið-i-	[VT] ‘suck s.t. through a straw, etc.’

PNCV *zimi ‘sip, suck, taste’, PPn *ŋoŋo ‘suck liquid from a container’ and PPn *momi ‘swallow, suck’ are more localised terms for sucking in liquid.

PNCV		*zimi	‘sip, suck, taste’ (Clark 2009)
NCV	Mota	sim	‘sip, suck’ (NCV reflexes show metathesis)
NCV	Raga	him	‘suck, sip’
NCV	Tamambo	jimi	‘sip’ (old word)
NCV	Kiai	zim-zim	‘drink meat stock by sucking meat’
NCV	Kiai	zim-ia	‘drink’
NCV	Lonwolwol	himi	‘taste’
NCV	Paamese	simi	‘suck water into mouth and spit it out again’

Comparison of the Wayan Fijian term omi- (under ‘cf. also’) with PPn *momi suggests that a POc pair *m-omi (VI)/*omi- (VT) may have occurred, with an origin analogous to that of POc *mʷinum (VI)/*inum-i- (VT) ‘drink’ (§1.3.5.5), but there is no solid evidence to support this conjecture.

PPn		*momi	‘swallow, suck’ (POLLEX)
Pn	Tongan	momi	‘sunken mouth as when toothless’
Pn	East Futunan	momi	‘eat with lips only; suck’
Pn	Pukapukan	momi	‘swallow; eat till food is gone’
Pn	Māori	momi	‘suck up, swallow up, suck’
Pn	Tahitian	momi	‘swallow’
Pn	Tuamotuan	momi	‘swallow, suck’

cf. also:

NNG	Kela	muŋ	‘suck’
Fij	Wayan	omi-	‘suck (liquid, breast), inhale’

3.2.3. Sucking the breast and suckling⇫

POc apparently had a pair of near homophones for ‘suck (the breast)’, namely *susup (VI), *susup-i- (VT) and *susu (VI), *susu-i- (VT). POc *susup continues an etymon of PAn antiquity. POc *susu is the root that also occurs as *susu- ‘breast, milk’ (§3.5.7). The forms are so similar that it is tempting to try to combine them into a single cognate set, but the differing transitive forms do not allow this. At the same time, in languages where word-final consonants are lost it is impossible to determine whether the intransitive form reflects *susup or *susu.

The set below reflects POc *susup (VI), *susup-i- (VT) ‘suck (the breast)’. In each language the transitive suffix *-i- has prevented loss of the root-final consonant, so that the reflex of root-final *-p- attests that this is a reflex of *susup.

PAn		*supsup	‘sip, suck’ (ACD)
PMP		*cupcup	‘sip, suck’ (ACD)
POc		*susup	[VI] ‘suck (the breast)’
POc		*susup-i-	[VT] ‘suck (the breast)’
Adm	Bipi	susuh	[VT] ‘suck’
PT	Wedau	ɣuɣuv-i-	[VT] ‘suck up through a tube’
SES	Gela	susuv-i	[VT] ‘drink from breasts’
SES	To’aba’ita	susu	[VI] ‘suck at the mother’s breast’
SES	To’aba’ita	susuf-i-	[VT] ‘suck (the breast)’
SES	Lau	susu	[VI] ‘suck the breast’
SES	Lau	susuf-i-	[VT] ‘suck (the breast)’
SES	Kwaio	susu	‘suck’
SES	Kwaio	susuf-i-	[VT] ‘suckle’

The next set reflects POc *susu (VI), *susu-i- (VT) ‘suck (the breast)’. We know this either because *-p is absent in the transitive form or because — in the Papuan Tip and Meso-Melanesian languages listed below — if POc word-final *-p had been present it would have been retained (as it is in reflexes of *mawap ‘yawn’; cf. §4.5.6).

PMP		*susu	‘suck (at the breast)’11
POc		*susu	[VI] ‘suck (the breast)’
POc		*susu-i-	[VT] ‘suck (the breast)’
Adm	Seimat	susu-i-	[VT] ‘suck’
Adm	Titan	súsu-i	‘nurse, suckle’
PT	Iduna	-huhu	‘suck at breast, suckle’
PT	Gapapaiwa	susu	‘breastfeed; drink by sucking’
PT	Dawawa	susu	‘suck’
PT	Tubetube	susu	‘suck’
MM	Tigak	sut	‘suck’
MM	East Kara	sus	‘suck’
MM	Nalik	sus	‘suck’
MM	Patpatar	sus	‘suck’
MM	Tolai	u	[VI, VT] ‘suck, of children and young animals’
MM	Label	(ha)sus	‘suck’
MM	Bilur	u	‘suck’
MM	Siar	sus	‘suck’
MM	Sursurunga	sus	[VI] ‘suck at the breast’; [N] ‘milk’
MM	Sursurunga	sus-i	[VT] ‘suck at the breast’
NCV	Nguna	susu-e	‘suck’

The remaining reflexes, listed below, could reflect either etymon, and one can reasonably infer that in many Oceanic languages reflexes of POc *susup and *susu were conflated as a single item when final-consonant loss took place.

POc		*susup	[VI] ‘suck (the breast)’
POc		*susu	[VI] ‘suck (the breast)’
NNG	Kaulong	sus	‘suckle, nurse’
NNG	Yalu	-sʊs	‘suck’
NNG	Wampar	-sos	‘suck’
NNG	Kapin	lul	‘suck’
MM	Vitu	ðuðu	‘suck’
MM	Bulu	ruru	‘suck’
MM	Nakanai	susu	‘suck’
MM	Meramera	susu	‘suck’
MM	Nehan	huhu	‘nurse at the breast’
SES	Sa’a	susu	[VI] ‘suck the breast; have children at the breast’
SES	Arosi	susu-	[V] ‘suck the breast’
NCV	Mota	sus	‘breast; suck’
NCV	Raga	huhu	‘suck’
NCV	Tamambo	susu	‘breastfeed’
NCV	Port Sandwich	süs	‘suckle’
SV	Anejom̃	e-θeθ	‘suck at breast’
Mic	Carolinian	tɨ̄t	‘suckle, nurse from the breast’
Mic	Ponapean	tīti	‘suckle, nurse’
Mic	Chuukese	ttɨ̄t, tɨttɨ-	‘suck (of a nursing child)’
Mic	Pulo Annian	tɨtɨ	‘suck mother’s breast’
Fij	Bauan	suðu	‘be born, to suck the breast’
Pn	Tongan	huhu	‘suck (as a baby does) from breast or bottle’
Pn	Samoan	susu	‘suck (at the breast)’
Pn	East Futunan	ū	‘nurse a baby’

The POc terms for ‘suckle, feed (baby) at the breast’ were *pa-susup-i- or *pa-susu-i-, literally ‘cause to suck’, formed with POc *pa- CAUSATIVE. Conflation of *susup and *susu is probably also reflected here, and some of the terms listed under POc *pa-susu may in fact reflect intransitive *pa-susup.

POc		*pa-susup-i-	‘suckle, feed (baby) at the breast’
SES	Kwaio	faʔa-susuf-i-	‘suckle’
SES	Lau	fā-susuf-i-	‘suckle’
SES	Arosi	haʔa-suhi	‘suckle’

PAn		*pa-susu	‘give the breast to, nurse a child’ (ACD)
POc		*pa-susu	[VI] ‘suckle, feed (baby) at the breast’
POc		*pa-susu-i-	[VT] ‘suckle, feed (baby) at the breast’
Adm	Titan	a-súsu-i	‘nurse’
Adm	Nyindrou	a-sus	‘nurse, feed breast milk’
PT	Kilivila	va-lulu	‘give birth; suckle’
PT	Iduna	ve-huhu	‘breastfeed’
PT	Molima	ve-susu	‘suckle’
MM	Nakanai	vi-susu	‘suckle (a baby)’
MM	Sursurunga	asus-i	‘feed at the breast’
MM	Patpatar	ha-sus	‘nurse (with breast-milk)’
MM	Teop	vā-huhu	‘suckle’
SES	Arosi	ha-susu	‘suckle’
Fij	Wayan	vā-ðuðu-ni	‘suckle (a baby)’
Pn	Samoan	faʔa-susu	‘suckle’
Pn	Niuean	faka-huhu	‘suckle’

It was noted in §4.2.2.4 that POc *pasu[su] ‘give birth’ bears a striking resemblance to POc *pa-susu ‘suckle’, but concluded that the two POc forms were not (or were no longer) related.

3.2.4. Sucking at a pipe to inhale smoke⇫

The reconstruction of PEOc *komu (VI), *komi ‘suck at (a pipe)’ is somewhat tentative, as SE Solomonic reflexes except Bauro omu (listed by Fox 1978) end in -e or -i, presumably a transitive formative, whereas the Polynesian reflexes end in -o rather than u. However, the shared sense of sucking on a pipe implies cognacy.

PEOc		*komu	[VI] ‘suck at (a pipe)’
PEOc		*komi	‘suck at (a pipe)’
SES	Lau	ʔome	‘suck at a pipe’
SES	Arosi	omi-	‘suck, smoke a pipe’
SES	’Are’are	omi-a	‘suck, make a sucking noise, pull on a pipe’
SES	Sa’a	ome-	‘suck’
SES	Sa’a	omi-a	[VT] ‘suck s.t., smoke tobacco’
SES	Bauro	ume-	‘suck’
SES	Bauro	omu, omi-	‘suck, smoke a pipe’
SES	Fagani	ʔomi	‘suck’
Pn	Tongan	komo	‘suck in, suck up’
Pn	East Futunan	komo	‘suck on (as a cigarette)’
Pn	East Uvean	komo-komo	‘slowly inhale pipe smoke’
Pn	Tongarevan	omo	‘smoke’
Pn	Marquesan	ʔomo	‘suck’
Pn	Tuamotuan	komo	‘drink’
Pn	Rapanui	omo-omo	‘sip, suck’

3.3. Being hungry, thirsty, replete⇫

3.3.1. Being hungry⇫

POc *pitolon seems originally to have been a noun meaning ‘famine’ or ‘hunger’, derived from PMP *bitil-en, where *-en is a nominaliser. The existence of Tuam, Malai, Lukep pitola, Malasanga butola, all with final -a, suggests that POc may also have had the alternant *pitolan, from PMP *bitil-an, where *-an is also a nominaliser. However, in POc *pitolon appears already to have been used as an adjective or stative verb as well.¹²

POc also had the term *mʷalum, with a meaning similar to that of *pitolon.

PMP		*bitil	‘famine; hunger’ (ACD)
POc		*pitolon	‘hunger, famine; be hungry’
Adm	Seimat	hitol	‘hunger, be hungry, starved’
NNG	Mutu	pitola	‘hungry’
NNG	Mangap	petēle	‘hunger’
NNG	Sio	putole	‘hunger’
NNG	Tami	pitol	‘hungry’
NNG	Takia	futol	‘famine’
NNG	Kaiep	utol	‘hungry’
PT	Motu	hitolo	‘hunger, hungry’
MM	Vitu	vitolon(i)	‘hungry’
MM	Nakanai	vitolo	‘famine’
MM	Bola	vitolo	‘hungry’
MM	Meramera	vitolo	‘hungry’
MM	Vitu	vitolo	‘hunger, famine’
MM	Tabar	vitoro	‘hungry’
MM	Tolai	vitolon	‘hunger, hungry’
SES	Gela	vitolo	‘hungry’
SES	Gela	vito-vitolo	‘long hungry, weak from hunger’
SES	Tolo	vitolo	‘hungry’
SES	Longgu	violo	‘hungry’
SES	Lau	fiolo	‘be hungry’ (fioloa ‘hunger, famine’)
SES	Sa’a	hiolo	‘be hungry’ (hioloŋa ‘famine’)
SES	’Are’are	hioro	‘to fast, starve’ (hioro-na ‘hunger, famine’)
SES	Arosi	hioro	‘be hungry’ (hioroha ‘famine, hunger’)
SES	To’aba’ita	fiolo	‘be hungry’ (fioloa ‘famine’)
PNCV		*vitolo	‘hungry’
NCV	Lewo	viso	‘hungry’
NCV	Nguna	vitolo	‘hungry’
SV	Anejom̃	e-tele	‘hungry’13
Mic	Ponapean	isol	‘famine’

POc		*mʷalum	‘hungry’
Adm	Mussau	ma-malo	‘hungry’
PT	Kilivila	molu	‘hunger’
MM	Lavongai	mol	‘hungry’
MM	Tolai	mul-mulum	‘famine, hunger, be hungry’
MM	Vangunu	molu	‘hungry’
NCal	Cèmuhî	məɛnɛ-n	‘hunger’
NCal	Xârâcùù	mɛ̃rɛ̃	‘hunger’

In certain Central Pacific languages the term for ‘be hungry’ is an expression meaning ‘wants to eat’ (cf. ‘want to drink’ for ‘thirsty’ and ‘want to sleep’ for ‘sleepy’; §4.3.3.2, §6.2.1).

PCP		*via kani	‘hungry’ (lit. ‘want eat’)
Fij	Bauan	via kana	[VI] ‘be hungry’
PPn		*fia kai	‘hungry’ (lit. ‘want eat’)
Pn	Tongan	fie kaia	‘hungry’
Pn	Samoan	fiaʔai	‘hungry’
Pn	Nanumea	fiakai	‘hungry’
Pn	Takuu	fīkai	‘hungry, want to eat; hunger’
Pn	Māori	hia kai	‘be hungry’

cf. also:

Fij

Wayan

mata kani

‘be hungry’ (lit. ‘want eat’)

A similar locution is reflected in the Mengen languages of SE New Britain, where the term for ‘want’ reflects *mate ‘die’ (§2.1.2):

Proto Mengen		*mate kana	‘hungry’ (lit. ‘die eat’)
NNG	Mengen	mateka-	[VI] ‘want food, be hungry’
NNG	Mengen	matakan-na	[ADJ] ‘hungry’
NNG	Kakuna	matekana	[ADJ] ‘hungry’
NNG	Uvol	meteana	[ADJ] ‘hungry’

3.3.2. Being thirsty⇫

The root of POc *[ma]raqu ‘be thirsty’ reflects PMP *laqu ‘thirst, hunger’. Unprefixed POc *raqu has just one known reflex, namely Sio rako-ña.¹⁴ Clark (2009) reconstructs the alternative PNCV forms *marou and *madou. These appear to reflect forms with different POc prefixes, namely *ma-raqu and *madraqu, the latter from *maN-raqu. It is difficult to determine exactly what the difference in meaning might have been. POc *ma-raqu would have meant ‘be thirsty, become thirsty’. The presence of *maN- in *madraqu implies some agentivity on the part of the subject, as in English ‘work up a thirst’ (§1.3.5.6).

Blust reconstructs PWMP *laqu, implying an expected POc root †*laqu, but the data unanimously support POc *raqu.

PMP		*laqu	‘thirst, hunger’ (ACD: PWMP)
POc		*[ma]raqu	[VI] ‘be thirsty’
NNG	Sio	rako(ña), roko(ña)	[VI] ‘be thirsty’
NNG	Lukep	murak	[N] ‘thirst’ (metathesis < †maruk < †maraku)
MM	Vitu	maraho	‘thirst’
MM	Bola	marohu	[ADJ] ‘thirsty’
MM	Nakanai	malehu	‘thirsty’
MM	Meramera	malou	‘thirsty’
MM	Patpatar	maruk	[VI] ‘be thirsty’ (metathesis < †maraku)
MM	Ramoaaina	maruk	[VI] ‘be thirsty’ (metathesis < †maraku)
SES	Sa’a	marou	[VI] ‘thirst’
SES	Arosi	marou	‘be thirsty’
PNCV		*marou	‘thirsty’ (Clark 2009)
NCV	Mota	marou	‘thirsty’
NCV	Nokuku	maro-rou	‘thirsty’
NCV	Paamese	maro-roo	‘thirsty’
NCV	Bieria	mereu	[VI] ‘thirst’
PMic		*marewu	‘thirsty’ (Bender et al., 2003)
Mic	Marshallese	marew	‘thirsty’
Mic	Mokilese	marew	‘thirsty’
NCal	Nêlêmwa	māluk	‘thirsty’

POc		*madraqu	[VI] ‘thirst’
PNCV		*madou	‘thirsty’ (Clark 2009)
NCV	Raga	madou	‘thirsty’
NCV	Port Sandwich	mandreu	‘thirsty’
NCV	Nguna	matou	‘thirsty’
NCV	South Efate	manreu	[VI] ‘thirst’

A good number of Oceanic languages express the concept of thirst phrasally, as they do for hunger, and we infer that this strategy may have been a POc alternative to the lexical items above. First, Central Pacific languages and certain others reflect an expression that means ‘want to drink’ (cf. ‘want to eat’ for ‘hungry’ and ‘want to sleep’ for ‘sleepy’; §3.3.1, §4.6.2.1)

PCP		*via inu	‘thirsty’ (lit. ‘want drink’)
Fij	Bauan	via gunu	‘thirsty’
PPn		*fia inu	‘thirsty’ (lit. ‘want drink’)
Pn	Tongan	fie inu-a	‘thirsty’
Pn	Nanumea	fiainu	‘thirsty’
Pn	Kapingamarangi	hieinu	‘thirsty’
Pn	Takuu	fīunu	‘thirsty’

cf. also:

NNG	Takia	you o -mat	‘thirsty’
MM	Nehan	mala inum	‘thirsty’
SES	Gela	haga-inu	‘thirsty’
SES	Kwaio	maali goʔu	‘thirsty’
Fij	Wayan	mata som	‘thirsty’

Second, a number of languages use a body-part expression (cf §9.3) in which the body part is the neck or throat.

Adm	Nyindrou	bale- amar	[neck- dry]	‘thirsty’
NNG	Takia	kulagu- itau	[throat- blocked]	‘thirsty’
PT	Iduna	ago- gi-tai-na	[throat- SBJ:3SG-ebb-PF]	‘thirsty’
SES	To’aba’ita	lio- e lālaŋa	[throat- SBJ:3SG dry]	‘thirsty’

3.3.3. Being replete, sated⇫

POc *masuR ‘sated with food or drink’ is supported by well distributed reflexes across Oceania.

PMP		*masuR	‘sated, full (of food)’ (Goodenough 1997) 15
POc		*masuR	‘sated with food or drink’ (Geraghty 1983: PEOc *mazu)
Adm	Wuvulu	magu	‘satiated’
MM	Bola	maru	‘sated, full (of food)’
MM	Nakanai	maru	‘full (of stomach)’
MM	Meramera	masu	‘sated, full (of food)’
MM	Ramoaaina	maur	‘full (with food), satisfied’
MM	Siar	masor	‘full’
MM	Nehan	mah-mahuru	[VI] ‘full of food’
MM	Halia	masul	[VI] ‘full of food’
MM	Teop	mahun	‘satisfied/full (up with food)’
SES	Bugotu	mahu	‘replete with food, satisfied’
SES	Arosi	masu	‘have had enough, be full, replete’
PMic		*masu	‘sated with food or drink’ (Bender et al., 2003)
Mic	Marshallese	mat	‘full after eating’
Mic	Puluwatese	mat	‘sated with food or drink’
Mic	Carolinian	mat	‘sated with food or drink’
Mic	Woleaian	matʉ	‘sated with food or drink’
Fij	(dialect unknown)	maðu	‘sated’ (Geraghty 1983)
Pn	Tongan	mahu	‘productive (of land, soil), have plenty of food’
Pn	Niuean	mahu	[VI] ‘abound with food’; [N] ‘abundance of food’

3.4. Swallowing⇫

Lynch (2001d) draws attention to the strange collection of hypothetically reconstructable POc forms for ‘swallow’—strange because they don’t reflect reconstructed PMP regularly and because they form an unusually large set of apparent variations on a single template.

If it is assumed that every cognate set found reflects a POc form, then the hypothetically reconstructable POc forms are those shown in Table 15. We infer that *toŋol reflects metathesis of *toloŋ and treat these two forms together.

Table 15 Hypothetical POc forms for ‘swallow’

	*p-	*t-	*d-	*k-	*s-
*-l-, *-ŋ	—	*toloŋ, *toŋol	—	—	—
*-l-, *-m	*polom	*tolom	*dolom	*kolom	—
*-n-, *-m	—	*tonom	*donom	*konom	*sonom
*-d-, *-m	—	*todom	—	*kodom	—

Earlier reconstructed forms provide some insight into what has happened here. Blust (ACD) reconstructs PCEMP *belen ‘swallow’ and PMP *tilen ‘swallow’. These have final *-n, whereas the possible POc forms tabulated above have *-ŋ or *-m. This apparent idiosyncratic change requires an explanation. A search of the ACD for earlier forms that match the possible POc forms in *-ŋ or *-m yields PMP *teleŋ and *telem, both ‘sink, disappear under water’. Lynch suggests tentatively that the POc ‘swallow’ forms in *-ŋ or *-m reflect blends of earlier ‘swallow’ forms in *-n with ‘sink’ forms in *-ŋ or *-m or with *inem ‘drink’.¹⁶ This seems unlikely, however. When blends occur, there are typically reflexes that retain the meanings of both input forms, but no known Oceanic form for ‘swallow’ also means ‘sink’ or ‘drink’.¹⁷

A more probable explanation is to be found in the earlier forms themselves: *belen ‘swallow’ and *tilen ‘swallow’ both end in *-len, giving POc *-lon. The POc consonants *l and *n both probably had an alveolar point of articulation, and the replacement of *-lon by *-loŋ or *-lom gave the final consonant a velar or bilabial articulation and thus increased its distinctiveness. Obviously, this explanation would be stronger if a parallel change were found in other morphemes. It isn’t. But there are no cases of *-lon amongst our POc reconstructions.

The fact that pre-Oceanic *belen ‘swallow’ and *tilen ‘swallow’ (both containing the early Austronesian root *-len ‘swallow’) have been reconstructed explains the distinction between the first and second columns of Table 15. Under the reasonable assumption that PCEMP *belen was reflected as POc *polo(m), the only peculiarity about the set below is that it is restricted to Polynesia.

PCEMP		*belen	‘swallow’ (ACD)
POc		*polo(m)	[VI] ‘swallow’ (Lynch 2001d)
POc		*polom-i-	[VT] ‘swallow’ (Lynch 2001d)
PPn		*folo, *folom-i	‘swallow, ingest’ (POLLEX)
Pn	Tongan	folo(-ʔi, -a)	‘swallow’
Pn	Niuean	folo	[VT] ‘swallow (s.t.)’
Pn	Niuean	fo-folo	‘swallow in one gulp’
Pn	East Futunan	folo	‘swallow, ingest’
Pn	Rennellese	hogo	‘swallow whole without chewing; take bait; swallowed thing’
Pn	Pileni	folom-ia	‘swallow’
Pn	Emae	forom-ia	‘swallow’
Pn	Pukapukan	wolo	‘swallow’
Pn	Samoan	folo	‘swallow’
Pn	Tikopia	foro	‘swallow’
Pn	Tokelauan	folo	‘swallow’
Pn	Māori	horom-i	[VT] ‘swallow, devour (s.t.)’

cf. also:

Adm

Lou

por

‘swallow’ (-r- < POc -r_,- _-dr-, *-t-)

This brings us to the forms in the four rightmost columns of Table 15. Forms with initial *t- and *k- have one of three medial consonants: expected *-l- and unexpected *-n- or *-d-. Forms with initial *d- have one of two medial consonants: expected *-l- and unexpected *-n-. It is hardly likely that these forms all occurred in Proto Oceanic, unless a semantic factor like word taboo intervened, and there are no grounds to infer this. Instead, assuming for the moment that PMP *tilen ‘swallow’ gave rise to the Proto Oceanic alternants *tiloŋ and *tilom, it seems likely from their sporadic distributions that replacements of *-l- by *-n- or *-d- happened independently at different places and times.

Why might these changes have occurred (and recurred)? Again, the reason perhaps has to do with the fact that *t- and *-l- had a similar point of articulation. But this cannot be the whole reason, as the resulting combinations in Table 15, e.g. *donom, also have similar or identical points of articulation. Lynch (2000a) shows that stress in Proto Oceanic words fell on the penultimate mora, i.e. *tilóŋ and *tilóm,¹⁸ and on transitives *tilóŋi and *tilómi. Thus there would have been a strong tendency for the first syllable to be phonetically weakened or deleted, i.e. *[t(ə)ˈloŋ], *[t(ə)ˈlom], *[t(ə)ˈloŋi] and *[t(ə)ˈlomi], giving the initial cluster *[tl] in some dialects. Possible articulatory outcomes would have been

1. the extension of voicing to *[t], i.e. *[tl] > *[dl];
2. the nasalisation of *[l] under the influence of *[m], i.e. *[tl] > *[tn] or *[dl] > *[dn].¹⁹

A possible acoustic outcome would have been

3. the mishearing of *[tl] as *[kl] or of *[tn] as *[kn].

Further articulatory outcomes would have been

4. the denasalisation of *[tn] to *[td] or of *[kn] to *[kd].
5. reinterpretation of first-syllable shortened Pre-Oceanic [ə] as /o/, anticipating the stressed vowel, giving *toloŋ, *tolom etc.

This account explains

1. why *-n- and *-d- don’t co-occur with *p-: there is no *ponom or *podom in Table 15, because the difference in point of articulation between *p and *l means that changes parallel to (1)-(4) did not occur.
2. why there is a gap in 4.3.2.3 where *dodom would occur: *[dd] would result in loss of distinctiveness.
3. why the first vowel of the forms in 4.3.2.3 is *-o-, not *-i- (as predicted by PMP *tilen).
4. indirectly why *toloŋ, was metathesised as *toŋol: metathesis increased distinctiveness by separating *t from *l.

Just one known Oceanic form reflects the vowels of PMP *tilen. The POc status of the reconstruction has a question mark, as it is possible that the Fijian form has arisen by some other route. It is unlikely—but not impossible—that Fijian has preserved a form not found elsewhere in Oceanic. A number of forms reflecting metathesised PWOc *toŋol (p261) also have -i- in their first syllable, but these are presumably local developments.

PMP		*tilen	‘swallow’ (ACD)
POc		*tilo(m), *tilom-i	‘swallow’
Fij	Bauan	tilo	[VI] ‘swallow’
Fij	Bauan	tilom-a	[VT] ‘swallow s.t.’

The POc forms *tolo(m)/*tolom-i- and *toloŋ/*toloŋ-i- with the vowel replacement proposed in (iii) have the scattered reflexes listed below. Lynch (2001d) points out that Proto New Caledonian *tonom may reflect either POc *tolom or POc *tonom, as *-l- and *-n- have merged.

PMP		*tilen	‘swallow’ (ACD)
POc		*tolo(m)	[VI] ‘swallow’ (Lynch 2001d)
POc		*tolom-i-	[VT] ‘swallow’ (Lynch 2001d)
Adm	Seimat	tolom-i	[VT] ‘swallow’
NCV	Mota	tolo	‘make a noise in the throat; belch’
PNCal		*tonom	‘swallow’ (Lynch 2001d)
NCal	Nyelâyu	cẽlẽm	‘swallow’
NCal	Nêlêmwa	(va)ɣanom	‘swallow’
NCal	Cèmuhî	nēm(ihĩ)	‘swallow’20
NCal	Tîrî	num(ĩ)	‘swallow’

PMP		*tilen	‘swallow’ (ACD)
POc		*toloŋ	[VI] ‘swallow’ (Lynch 2001d)
POc		*toloŋ-i-	[VT] ‘swallow’ (Lynch 2001d)
Adm	Drehet	-seleŋ	‘swallow’
NNG	Gedaged	-talaŋ-ani-	‘swallow’
NNG	Megiar	-tuluŋ-i-	‘swallow’
NNG	Medebur	-tuluŋ-i-	‘swallow’
NNG	Psohoh	kluŋi	‘swallow’21
NNG	Numbami	-toloŋa	‘swallow, gulp down’
PT	Saliba	tonor-i	‘swallow’ (Capell 1943)
PT	Dawawa	tonoɣa	‘swallow’
SV	Anejom̃	a-tleŋ, e-tleŋ	‘swallow’

A metathesised form PWOc *toŋol/*toŋol-i- is widely reflected in Western Oceanic languages. However, bear in mind that Western Oceanic was a dialect network, and ‘Proto Western Oceanic’ simply refers to the stage when innovations still spread freely across the network. Evidently the metathesised form coexisted with unmetathesised *toloŋ (VI)/*toloŋ-i-, as attested by the NNG and PT forms above. Indeed, the Megiar dialect of Takia has -tuluŋ-i-, whilst the Karkar Island dialects have -tiŋal-i.

A similarly metathesised form occurs in South Efate and South Vanuatu, and coexists with an unmetathesised reflex in Anejom. As metathesised reflexes occur in widely separated Oceanic groups—Western Oceanic and South Vanuatu—one might reconstruct metathesised POc *toŋol/*toŋol-i-. However, given the absence of reflexes elsewhere in Oceanic, we assume that the metathesised forms in Western Oceanic and South Efate/South Vanuatu reflect separate innovations. The fact that South Efate here groups with South Vanuatu is unsurprising, as South Efate is the closest external relative of the South Vanuatu languages (Lynch 2000c).

PMP		*tilen	‘swallow’ (ACD)
POc		*toloŋ	[VI] ‘swallow’ (Lynch 2001d)
POc		*toloŋ-i-	[VT] ‘swallow’ (Lynch 2001d)
PWOc		*toŋol	[VI] ‘swallow’
PWOc		*toŋol-i-	[VTI] ‘swallow’
NNG	Tami	toŋ	‘swallow’
NNG	Avau	ŋon	‘swallow’22
NNG	Roinji	tuŋa	‘swallow’
NNG	Gedaged	teŋali	[VT] ‘swallow, gulp’
NNG	Gedaged	toŋol	[VI] ‘eat fast, without chewing properly’
NNG	Bilibil	-tiŋil	‘swallow’
NNG	Takia	-tiŋal-i	‘swallow’
NNG	Kaiwa	tmul	‘swallow’
NNG	Mangga	ŋoon	‘swallow’23
NNG	Mapos Buang	-ŋon	‘swallow’24
NNG	Patep	ŋon	‘swallow’25
PT	Iduna	-tonona	‘swallow’26
PT	Gumawana	tonol	‘swallow’
PT	Ubir	tonan	‘swallow’27
PT	Dobu	tone	‘swallow’28
PT	Misima	tinon	‘swallow’29
MM	Halia	toŋolo	‘swallow’
MM	Halia	to-toŋolo	‘throat’
MM	Mono	togon-i	‘swallow’

PMP		*tilen	‘swallow’ (ACD)
POc		*toloŋ	[VI] ‘swallow’ (Lynch 2001d)
POc		*toloŋ-i-	[VT] ‘swallow’ (Lynch 2001d)
Proto S Efate/SV		*a-tVŋol-i	‘swallow’ (Lynch 2001d)
NCV	South Efate	tnol	‘swallow’
SV	Sye	e-tŋol-i	‘swallow’
SV	Ura	e-rŋel-i	‘swallow’
SV	Lenakel	təŋai	‘swallow’

Forms reflecting the change from POc *tolom to *tono(m) occur in two areas: in North New Guinea, where final *-m is lost, and in SE Solomonic, where the contrast between intransitive and transitive forms is retained, final *-m being retained in transitives.

PMP		*tilen	‘swallow’ (ACD)
POc		*tolo(m)	[VI] ‘swallow’ (Lynch 2001d)
POc		*tolom-i-	[VT] ‘swallow’ (Lynch 2001d)
PNNG		*tono	‘swallow’
NNG	Tuam	-tona	‘swallow’
NNG	Malai	-ton	‘swallow’
NNG	Mangap	-tene	‘swallow’
NNG	Lukep	-tono	‘swallow’
NNG	Malasanga	-tona	‘swallow’
NNG	Manam	-tono	‘swallow’
NNG	Bam	-tuon-i-	‘swallow’
NNG	Wogeo	-tune	‘swallow’
NNG	Kaiep	-tono-i-	‘swallow’
NNG	Ulau-Suain	-tuaɲ	‘swallow’
NNG	Ali	-tuəŋ	‘swallow’
NNG	Sissano	-toən	‘swallow’30
NNG	Sera	ton-ton	‘swallow’31
PSES		*tono, *tonom-i-	‘swallow’
MM	Maringe	tomno	‘swallow’32
SES	Lengo	tonom-i	‘swallow’
SES	Lau	-ono	[VI] ‘swallow’
SES	Lau	-onom-i-	[VT] ‘swallow’
SES	Arosi	-ono	[VI] ‘swallow’
SES	Arosi	-onom-i-	[VT] ‘swallow’
SES	Sa’a	ono	[VI] ‘swallow’
SES	Sa’a	-onom-i-	[VT] ‘swallow’
SES	Kwaio	onom-i-	‘swallow s.t.’
SES	Kwaio	onom-a-	‘neck’
SES	Dori’o	ōnom-ā-	‘neck’

Forms reflecting the denasalisation of *-n- in *tono(m) to produce *todom are found in a very limited range of Meso-Melanesian languages.

MM	Vitu	todom-i	‘swallow’
MM	Bulu	todo	‘swallow’
MM	Bola	todo	‘swallow’

The Micronesian set below reflects a hypothetical POc *to(r,R)om rather than *todom, but appears to be an outcome of denasalisation.

PMic		*torom-i-	‘suck, sip’ (Bender et al. 2003) 33
Mic	Kiribati	tōm-a	‘taste of, sip (s.t.)’
Mic	Marshallese	corom	‘drink up, suck up, absorb’
Mic	Carolinian	sorom-i	‘sip through a straw’
Mic	Woleaian	sos-soro	[VI] ‘suck, drink, sip’
Mic	Woleaian	sorom-i-	[VT] ‘drink, sip, suck it’
Mic	Puluwatese	horom-i-	‘suck it in (as coffee)’
Mic	Pulo Annian	θolom-i-	‘suck it, drink it with a straw’

Turning now to cases where initial *t- has been voiced to initial *d-, there is again no need to reconstruct these as POc alternants. Forms in d- occur only in NCV languages

PMP		*tilen	‘swallow’ (ACD)
POc		*tolo(m)	[VI] ‘swallow’ (Lynch 2001d)
POc		*tolom-i-	[VT] ‘swallow’ (Lynch 2001d)
PNCV		*dolo	[VI] ‘swallow’ (Clark 2009)
PNCV		*dolom-i-	[VT] ‘swallow’ (Clark 2009)
NCV	Mota	nolo	‘swallow’
NCV	Raga	dolom-i-a	‘swallow’
NCV	West Ambrym	rlum	[VI] ‘swallow’
NCV	West Ambrym	rolm-e	[VT] ‘swallow, swallow up’
NCV	Uripiv	-rolm-i	‘swallow’
NCV	Neve’ei	dulum	‘swallow’
NCV	Port Sandwich	dröm-i	‘swallow’

Forms reflecting a hypothetical *donom appear in Kilivila and in languages scattered through north and central Vanuatu. We take the Vanuatu forms to reflect nasalisation of the *-l- of PNCV *dolo /*dolom-i- above.

PT	Kilivila	donom-i	‘swallow’
NCV	Tamambo	donom-i	‘swallow’
NCV	Ambae	dono	‘swallow’
NCV	Lewo	sinom-i	‘swallow’
NCV	Nguna	dinom-i	‘swallow’

Moving to forms in which POc *t- has been replaced by *k-, the Psohoh and NCV terms below almost certainly reflect separate local changes.

NNG	Psohoh	kluŋ-i	‘swallow’ (see footnote 21)
NCV	Nokuku	ʔolom-i	‘swallow’
NCV	Kiai	kolom-i-	‘swallow’

A large block of Meso-Melanesian forms appears to reflect a PMM *konom, which itself reflects nasalisation of *-l- as *-n- and acoustic reinterpretation of a *tn- cluster as *kn- (i.e. (2), then (3), above), followed by vowel insertion. Under ‘cf. also’ are listed MM terms for ‘neck’ which appear to be derived from reflexes of PMM *konom.

PMP		*tilen	‘swallow’ (ACD)
POc		*tolo(m)	[VI] ‘swallow’ (Lynch 2001d)
POc		*tolom-i-	[VT] ‘swallow’ (Lynch 2001d)
PMM		*konom	[VI] ‘swallow’ (Lynch 2001d)
PMM		*konom-i-	[VT] ‘swallow’ (Lynch 2001d)
MM	Lavongai	konem	‘swallow’
MM	Lavongai	konomo	‘throat’
MM	Tigak	kanam	‘swallow’
MM	Tiang	kənəm	‘swallow’
MM	West Kara	kanam	‘swallow’
MM	Nalik	kənom	‘swallow’
MM	Notsi	konm-en	‘swallow’
MM	Tabar	konom	‘swallow’
MM	Lihir	konm	‘swallow’
MM	Sursurunga	konm-i	‘swallow’
MM	Konomala	konem-i	‘swallow’
MM	Patpatar	kanam	‘swallow’
MM	Minigir	konom-i	‘swallow’
MM	Tolai (Nodup)	konome	‘swallow’
MM	Ramoaaina	kanom	‘swallow’
MM	Kandas	konoma	‘swallow’
MM	Nehan	konomo	‘swallow’

cf. also:

MM	Tabar	kono-kono-	‘neck, throat’
MM	Tangga	koŋ-koŋo-	‘neck’
MM	Vaghua	kən-kənə-	‘neck’
MM	Varisi	ko-koli-	‘neck’
MM	Ririo	ku-kun	‘neck’
MM	Sisiqa	ko-kunu-	‘neck’
MM	Babatana	kunu	‘swallow’
MM	Babatana	ku-kunu-	‘neck’
SES	Birao	kono-kono-	‘neck’
SES	Fagani	kono-kono-	‘neck’

Forms reflecting the denasalisation of *-n- in PMM *konom to produce *kodom are also found in Meso-Melanesian languages. The fact that Tolai kodom (below) appears alongside closely related Minigir konomi and Tolai (Nodup dialect) konome indicates that denasalisation is a localised and sporadic phenomenon.

MM	Tolai	kodom	‘swallow’
MM	Siar	kodom	‘swallow’
MM	Tinputz	orom	‘swallow’
MM	Teop	oromo	‘swallow’
MM	Taiof	korom	‘swallow’
MM	Banoni	ko-kodomo	‘neck’

Forms reflecting a hypothetical POc *sonom (see Table 15) have not been accounted for. The hypothetical form POc *solom is nowhere reflected, implying that *sonom is not a phonologically modified form of POc *tolom. We offer three hypotheses as to its origin, none of them fully satisfactory. First, POc *tilom may have given rise to *silom (*t > s is common before -i- in Oceanic languages), followed by replacement of the vowel as suggested in (5) above. Second, it may reflect a blend of *tolom with an ancestor of PNNG *soŋo ‘chew (betel)’, listed below—but this is unlikely, as Bariai reflects POc *sonom and *soŋo separately. Or it may have a separate but unknown extra-Oceanic origin.

POc		*sonom	[VI] ‘swallow’ (cf. PNNG *soŋo ‘chew betel’ above)
POc		*sonom-i-	[VT] ‘swallow’ (cf. PNNG *soŋo ‘chew betel’ above)
NNG	Bariai	-son	‘swallow’
NNG	Gitua	son	‘swallow’
PT	Dawawa	sonom	‘suck’
PT	Motu	(ha)dono-a	[VT] ‘swallow, gulp’ (ha- causative prefix)
SES	Bugotu	sono	[VI] ‘swallow’
SES	Gela	sono	[VI] ‘swallow’
SES	Gela	sonom-i	[VT] ‘swallow’
SES	Gela	sonom-aɣi	‘cause to swallow’

PNGOc		*soŋo	‘chew (betel)’
NNG	Tami	soŋ	‘chew (betel)’
NNG	Kove	(i)soŋo	‘chew (betel)’
NNG	Bariai	(i)soŋo	‘chew (betel)’
NNG	Malai	(i)soŋ	‘chew (betel)’
NNG	Sio	(i)soŋo	‘chew (betel)’
NNG	Mangap	(i)seŋ	‘chew (betel)’
NNG	Lukep	(i)soŋo	‘chew (betel)’
NNG	Roinji	soŋu	‘chew (betel)’
NNG	Bing	suŋ(oŋ)	‘chew (betel)’
NNG	Labu	-saŋa	‘chew’

There is just one possible reflex of *sonom with denasalisation (i.e. hypothetical *sodom), namely Nakanai sogomu ‘swallow’ (g < *d[r]), but final -u is unexplained.

The Micronesian set below appears to be formally connected with the sets above, but reflects a hypothetical POc *(w)o(rR)o/*(w)o(rR)omi, which is perhaps explained as an unsourced loan.

Proto Central Micronesian		*worom-i	‘swallow’ (Bender et al. 2003)
Mic	Kiribati	ō-ŋa	‘swallow (s.t.)’
Mic	Chuukese	worom-i	‘swallow (s.t.)’
Mic	Woleaian	worom-i	‘swallow (s.t.)’
Mic	Woleaian	sorom-i	‘swallow (s.t.)’
Mic	Carolinian	orom-i	‘swallow (s.t.)’
Mic	Puluwatese	worom-i-	‘swallow (s.t.)’

3.5. Other actions performed with the mouth⇫

This section contains a miscellany of actions performed with the mouth, the teeth, the tongue and the lips that do not necessarily entail ingestion.

3.5.1. Biting⇫

POc *kaRati and POc *kati, both meaning ‘bite’ possibly share a single source somewhere in their history. Some of the -r-less NCV terms, especially from islands towards the south, and all the Fijian and Polynesian terms could be reflexes of either, though the short -a- of the Polynesian reflexes probably reflects *kati.

PAn		*kaRat	‘bite’ (Blust 1999)
POc		*kaRat	[VI] ‘bite’
POc		*kaRat-i-	[VT] ‘bite’
Adm	Loniu	-yeti	[VT] ‘bite’
Adm	Mussau	kata	‘bite’
NNG	Tami	kalat	‘chew’
NNG	Mutu	kaʔal	‘bite’
NNG	Sio	karat-i	‘bite repeatedly and quickly’
NNG	Mengen	kala	‘bite’
NNG	Wab	kal	‘bite’
NNG	Manam	ʔarat-i	[VT] ‘bite s.t.’
NNG	Ali	-ʔar	‘bite’
NNG	Sissano	-ʔal	‘bite’
NNG	Wampur	-gara	‘bite’
NNG	Adzera	gara	‘bite’
PT	Dawawa	karat-i-	‘bite’
MM	Bola	kara	‘bite’
MM	Nakanai	ala	‘bite’
MM	Lavongai	kalat	‘bite’
MM	Tigak	kagat	‘bite’
MM	Tiang	ke-ket	‘bite’
MM	Nalik	karat	‘bite’
MM	Tabar	arat	‘bite’
MM	Madak	at	‘bite’
MM	Sursurunga	arat	[VI] ‘bite’
MM	Sursurunga	art-i	[VT] ‘bite’
MM	Tolai	karat	[VT] ‘bite’
MM	Banoni	kanata	‘bite’
MM	Torau	karat-i-	[VT] ‘bite’
MM	Roviana	ɣarata	‘bite’
SES	Bugotu	ɣaðat-i-	[VT] ‘sting, bite s.t.’
SES	Gela	ɣala	[VT] ‘bite s.t.’
SES	Talise	ɣalat-i-	[VT] ‘bite s.t.’
SES	Longgu	ale-	[VT] ‘bite s.t.’
SES	To’aba’ita	ʔalat(ai-tai)	[VI] ‘bite and hold on’
SES	Sa’a	ala	[VI] ‘bite’
SES	Ulawa	ala	[VT] ‘bite off the outer skin of Canarium nuts’
NCV	Mota	ɣara	‘eat, bite, speak’
NCV	Mota	ɣara-ɣara	‘clench the teeth’

POc		*kati[-]	‘bite’
Adm	Tenis	kati	‘bite’
NNG	Lukep	-kati	‘sever’
NNG	Kaiwa	-ati	‘bite’
NNG	Labu	-kasi	‘bite into pieces’
PT	Motu	kasi-	[VT] ‘snap s.t. with the teeth’
MM	East Kara	ɣet	‘bite, burn, cook’
MM	Tolai	kat	‘gnaw to bits, bite into pieces’
SES	West Guadalcanal	ɣati	‘bite’
NCV	Mota	ɣat	‘chew’
NCV	Kiai	ati-	‘bite’
NCV	Raga	ɣasi	‘bite’
NCV	Tamambo	ɣati	‘bite’
NCV	Paamese	ati-ati	[VI] ‘bite’
NCV	Paamese	ati-	[VT] ‘bite’
NCV	Lewo	kari	‘bite’
NCV	Namakir	kat	‘bite’
NCV	Labo	-es	‘bite’
SV	Lenakel	kəs	‘bite’
SV	Kwamera	ahi	‘bite’
SV	Anejom̃	a-ɣas	‘bite’
Fij	Bauan	kati-	[VT] ‘bite’
Pn	Samoan	ʔati	‘bite’
Pn	Tikopia	kati	‘bite into, chew’

Unambigous reflexes of POc *koto(p) have been found only in NW Solomonic languages and in one NCV language. However, it is possible that POc *ŋoto (VI), *ŋot-i (VT) ‘bite’ reflects a putative PMP †*[ma]ŋete[b,p], a possible intransitive form of the same root (of which no non-Oceanic reflexes are known; cf. §1.3.5.5). If so, then the intransitivising function of initial *ŋ- had clearly been lost in Proto Oceanic, as a new transitive was formed by adding the POc transitive suffix *-i to the new root.

PMP		*kete[b,p]	‘bite’ (ACD)
POc		*koto(p)	‘bite’
MM	Solos	(he)koto	‘bite’ (he- ’causative prefix)
MM	Petats	kot	‘bite’
MM	Selau	(wi)koto	‘bite’ (wi- ’causative prefix)
MM	Taiof	kot	‘bite’
MM	Hahon	koto	‘bite’
MM	Tinputz	kot	‘bite’
MM	Teop	koto	‘bite’
NCV	Nokuku	ko-kot	[VI] ‘bite’

PMP		*[ma]ŋete[b,p]	[VI] ‘bite’ (ACD)
POc		*ŋoto	[VI] ‘bite, nibble’
POc		*ŋot-i	[VT] ‘bite, nibble’
MM	Sursurunga	ŋut-ŋut	[VI] ‘bite, nibble, chew’
MM	Sursurunga	ŋut-i	[VT] ‘bite, nibble, chew’
MM	Nehan	ŋoto	‘gnaw, bite on’
NNG	Bariai	ŋot	‘bite’
SES	Gela	ŋot-i, ŋoti-ŋoti	‘gnaw, nibble’
SES	Lengo	ŋot-i	‘bite’
SES	Malango	ŋot-i-	‘bite’

Although Blust (ACD) finds plentiful non-Oceanic data for the reconstruction of PMP *gutgut, the only Oceanic reflexes appear to be in Fijian and Micronesian. Blust’s (1977) canonic derivation of POc verbs from PMP reduplicated monosyllables applies, giving POc *kukut (VI), *kut-i (VT) ‘bite’.

PMP		*gutgut	‘front teeth, incisors; gnaw, bite or tear off with the incisors’ (ACD)
POc		*kukut	[VI] ‘bite’
POc		*kut-i	[VT] ‘bite’
PMic		*ku, *kuku, *kuti, *kukuti	‘bite’ (Bender et al., 2003)
Mic	Marshallese	kkic	‘bite’
Mic	Chuukese	kɨk-kɨk	‘bite, be wont to bite’
Mic	Woleaian	xʉxxʉ	‘bite, sting as mosquitoes’
Mic	Woleaian	xʉʉ(w)	‘bite or chew it’
Mic	Carolinian	xɨ	‘feed together at water surface, of fish; eat together from same dish, of people’
Fij	Bauan	kū	[VI] ‘bite’
Fij	Bauan	kūt-a	[VT] ‘bite (a piece of food)’
Fij	Bauan	ku-rak-a	[VI] ‘be painful (e.g. of a sting)’; [VT] ‘cause (s.o.) pain’

We note the small cognate set below because it again manifests the phonaesthetic pattern mentioned in §4.3.1.2.

POc		*ŋiri	‘bite’ (?)
NNG	Sio	ŋiri	‘bite’
NNG	Bing	ŋire-r	‘bite’ (-r is final reduplication)
SES	Bugotu	ŋiri (kei)	‘gnash teeth’ (kei ‘tooth’)

3.5.2. Licking and tasting⇫

POc *d(r)amʷi(s)/*d(r)amʷis-i- ‘lick, taste’ is well reflected, but poses some small formal puzzles. First, PMic *camʷ(a,i)-ti ‘lick’ is odd in that *-t- reflects POc *-t- (i.e. hypothetical POc *d(r)amʷ(a,i)t-i-) rather than the *-s- reflected elsewhere. Second, the data suggest that both POc *d(r)amʷis-i- and *d(r)amʷe should be reconstructed as transitives corresponding to intransitive *d(r)amʷi(s) ‘lick, taste’. It may well be that the two forms co-existed, perhaps in different dialects.

Third, there is a small cognate set reflecting PNGOc *d(r)amʷa/*d(r)amʷar-i- ‘lick’. It is treated as a separate verb rather than being integrated into the first set below, but the two sets cannot be distinguished on the basis of meaning.

POc		*d(r)amʷi(s)	[VI] ‘lick, taste’
POc		*d(r)amʷis-i-	[VT] ‘lick, taste’
POc		*(d,dr)amʷe	[VT] ‘lick, taste’
Adm	Mussau	rame	‘lick’
Adm	Lou	rem	‘lick’
Adm	Lou	rem-rem	‘lick, stick out tongue’
NNG	Bariai	dame	‘lick’
NNG	Gitua	damoz-i	‘lick’
NNG	Lukep	ramu	‘taste (food)’
NNG	Lukep	-dam-dam	‘lick’
NNG	Numbami	-domos-i	‘lick, kiss’
NNG	Yabem	damʷe	‘lick, taste’
NNG	Adzera	damʷis	‘lick’
PT	Gapapaiwa	dami	‘taste, feel, sense’
MM	Vitu	dame	‘lick’
MM	Bulu	dame	‘lick’
MM	Bola	dame	‘lick’
MM	Meramera	dame	‘taste (food)’
MM	Madak	dem	‘lick’
MM	Sursurunga	dami	‘lick’
MM	Patpatar	dam	‘lick’
MM	Ramoaaina	dam	‘lick’
MM	Tolai	dam	‘lick, kiss, suck, taste with the tongue’
MM	Tolai	dami-	[VT] ‘lick’
MM	Halia	ram	‘lick’
MM	Teop	rame	‘lick’
MM	Tinputz	rem	‘lick’
MM	Nehan	deme	‘lick’
MM	Halia	ram	‘lick’
PNCV		*damʷis-i	‘lick, taste’ (Clark 2009: *damusi, *damisi)
NCV	Mota	namis	‘touch with tongue, taste’
NCV	Raga	damuh-i	‘taste’
NCV	Paamese	ramus-i	‘lick, taste’
NCV	Nokuku	jemis	‘lick’
NCV	Nokuku	jem-jemes	‘taste’
PMic		*camʷ(a,i)t-i	‘lick’ (Bender et al., 2003)
Mic	Marshallese	ṛamʷ-ṛemʷ	‘lick’
Mic	Marshallese	ṛamʷic	‘lick (s.t.)’
Mic	Mokilese	samʷ-samʷ	‘lick’
Mic	Ponapean	samʷe	‘lick (s.t.)’
Fij	Bauan	drami	[VI] ‘lap, lick’
Fij	Bauan	dramið-	[VT] ‘lap, lick’

PNGOc		*d(r)amʷa	[VI] ‘lick’
PNGOc		*d(r)amʷar-i-	[VT] ‘lick’
NNG	Mangseng	romo	‘taste, lick’
NNG	Mangseng	romal	‘lick’
NNG	Malasanga	rama	‘taste (food)’
NNG	Roinji	rama	‘taste (food)’
NNG	Sio	damale-	‘lick’
NNG	Manam	damula	‘lick’
PT	Dawawa	remo	‘lick, taste’
PT	Motu	demar-i-	[VT] ‘lick’

Cognates of the next set are evidently derived from POc *mea ‘tongue’ (§3.4.12.4), but no reconstruction is proposed as borrowing across the NW/SE Solomonic boundary cannot be ruled out.

MM	Roviana	(me)mea	‘lick’
SES	Lau	mea	‘lick’
SES	Sa’a	meal-i	[VT] ‘lick, taste with the tongue’
SES	Arosi	mear-i	[VT] ‘lap, as a cat or dog; to lick’

3.5.3. Holding in the mouth⇫

Oceanic languages display a number of apparently almost-but-not-quite-cognate forms with a range of meanings that centre on holding in the mouth. The reconstructable POc forms are

• *komi ‘close the jaws on s.t., hold s.t. in the mouth’ < PMP *kemi
• *ogom (VI), *ogom-i (VT) ‘hold in the mouth’ < PMP *eŋkem (see below)
• *gomu ‘keep s.t. in the mouth’
• *qumu(R) ‘suck, hold in mouth’
• *omu(R) ‘roll food around in the mouth’< PMP *emuR
• *mumu(R) ‘hold in the mouth and suck’ < PMP *muRmuR

Blust’s ACD reveals the reason for this plethora. Proto Malayo-Polynesian also had several such forms, and the analysis in Blust (1988) suggests that they each have their origins in two early (or pre-)Austronesian roots, the first two in *kem, glossed as ‘enclose, cover, grasp’ and the last three in *-muR, glossed as ‘gargle, rinse the mouth’ (ACD). Four of the resulting POc forms share *-om[-], giving rise to possible blending. The third, POc *gomu, has no known non- Oceanic cognates, and appears to be an Oceanic blend of *ogom and *omu(R).

A number of reflexes of POc *komi below contain -u- for -o-. POc *komi is reconstructed as it is the regular continuation of PMP *kemi. Items with -u- reflect a tendency for stressed *-o- to be raised before a sequence of *-m- + high vowel (*-i or *-u; cf. POc *gomu below).

PMP		*kemi	‘hold on by biting’ (ACD)
POc		*komi	‘close the jaws on s.t., hold s.t. in the mouth’
NCV	Mota	kom	‘keep food in mouth, in cheek’
NCV	Tamambo	kumi	‘hold in mouth’
NCV	Raga	ɣum-ɣumi	‘gargle’
SV	Lenakel	a-kumʷ	‘hold s.t. in the mouth’
SV	Anejom̃	a-kumʷ	‘put in the mouth’
Fij	Wayan	kum-ti	[VT] ‘hold s.t. in the mouth’
Pn	Tongan	komi-komi	‘(of biting) be tenacious, refusing to let go’
Pn	Rennellese	komi	‘clasp firmly; hold, as in the mouth’
Pn	Māori	komi	‘bite, close the jaws on; eat’

Blust (ACD) also lists PMP *qeŋkem ‘enclose; hold in the mouth’ as a possible ancestor of the forms below, but the absence of a *q- reflex from the SE Solomonic forms points to PMP *eŋgem, or, considering the root *kem, PMP *eŋkem.

PMP		*eŋgem	‘hold in the mouth’ (ACD)
POc		*ogom	[VI] ‘hold in the mouth’
POc		*ogom-i	[VT] ‘hold in the mouth’
SES	Gela	ogom-i	‘hold a solid in the mouth’
SES	Sa’a	okom-i	[VI, VT] ‘roll around in the mouth and swallow whole’
SES	Kwaio	okom-ia	‘swallow’
SES	To’aba’ita	okom-ia	[VT] ‘swallow’

The cognate set below shows irregular replacement of *-o- by PSV *-u-, perhaps as a result of contamination by POc *gumu ‘gargle, rinse mouth’ (§4.3.5.4).

POc		*gomu	‘keep s.t. in the mouth’
Adm	Mussau	gom-gom	‘eat, swallow’
SES	Gela	go-gomu	‘keep in mouth’
SES	Lau	gomu	‘hold in the mouth, eat with the lips’
NCV	Mota	kom	‘keep food in the mouth, in the cheek’
NCV	Mota	kom-kom	‘something kept in the mouth’
NCV	Avava	gom	‘put into mouth’
NCV	Nguna	go-gom-i	‘keep in mouth’
PSV		*a-gumʷ-i	‘put or hold in mouth, suck (on)’ (Lynch 2001c)
SV	Sye	aŋkm-i	‘suck’
SV	Ura	aŋmu	‘suck’
SV	Lenakel	akumʷ	‘hold s.t. in the mouth’
SV	Kwamera	akʷmʷ-i	‘suck on, savour, keep in one’s mouth’
SV	Kwamera	ukumʷ-i	‘gag, choke’
SV	Anejom̃	akumʷ	‘put in the mouth’

PAn		*qumuR	‘fill the mouth with food or water’ (ACD)
POc		*qumu(R)	‘suck, hold in mouth’
Adm	Lou	kum	‘suck on something, as a popsicle’
Pn	Luangiua	umi	‘smoke’
Pn	Rennellese	umi	‘suck, hold in mouth’; ‘suck or hold in the mouth, kiss, smoke’
Pn	Sikaiana	umi-umi	‘suck, a candy, kiss’
Pn	Takuu	umi	‘taste, hold to the lips’
Pn	West Futunan	umi-a	‘suck, nurse’
Pn	Rennellese	umi	‘suck, hold in mouth’; ‘suck or hold in the mouth, kiss, smoke’

PMP		*emuR	‘hold in the mouth’ (ACD)
POc		*omu(R)	‘roll food around in the mouth’
SES	’Are’are	omu	‘roll food in one’ s mouth (of toothless people)’

PMP		*muRmuR	‘hold in the mouth and suck’ (ACD)
POc		*mumu(R)	‘hold in the mouth and suck’
Adm	Mussau	mumumu	‘suck’
SES	Lau	mumu	‘close the lips’
SES	Sa’a	mumu	[VI] ‘close up mouth’
SES	Sa’a	mumu-ʔi	[VT] ‘hold in lips, teeth’
SES	Arosi	mumu	[VI] ‘close up mouth’
SES	Arosi	mumu-ʔi	[VT] ‘hold in lips, teeth’

cf. also:

Fij

Bauan

bubu

‘suck sugarcane etc.’

3.5.4. Rinse mouth⇫

The cognate set below shows occasional irregular replacement of medial *-u- by -o-, perhaps as a result of contamination by POc *gomu ‘keep s.t. in the mouth’ (§4.3.5.3), and the Micronesian items reflect initial *k- rather than *g-, but the rather specific agreement in meaning persuades us that this is a single set.

PMP		*kumuR	‘gargle, rinse mouth’ (ACD)
POc		*gumu	‘gargle, rinse mouth’
PT	Gumawana	(kala)gum-gum	‘swish water in mouth, rinse out mouth’
PT	Motu	(he)gomu-gomu	‘gargle’
NCV	Raga	gu-gumu	‘gargle’
NCV	Uripiv	-kum-kum-e	‘move something around in mouth; chew noisily’
NCV	Labo	gum-gum	‘rinse one’s mouth’
NCV	Namakir	gumu-kum	‘keep in mouth’
PMic		*kumʷu	‘have liquid in the mouth’ (Bender et al., 2003)
Mic	Chuukese	kumu-kum	‘hold or swish a fluid in the mouth’
Mic	Mortlockese	kumʷu-kumʷ	‘rinse out mouth’
Mic	Woleaian	xumʷu-xumʷu	‘put liquid in one’s mouth, suck, slurp’
Pn	Ifira-Mele	kō-komu	‘have the mouth full of liquid, rinse mouth, wash something around in the mouth’
Pn	Rennellese	kumu-kumu	‘rinse mouth’
Fij	Rotuman	kumu	‘hold liquid in the mouth; rinse the mouth with’

3.6. Actions performed with the lips⇫

The terms in this section denote sucking noises, and it appears that in Proto Oceanic, as in some modern Oceanic languages, two such noises were recognised. The first was a smacking of the lips to express a refusal or dissatisfaction, denoted by POc *misi(k). The second, a kissing noise used to call a dog or pig, or sometimes to attract someone’s attention, was the meaning of POc *[u]jumu/*[u]jum-i-.

3.6.1. The sucking noise signal⇫

POc *misi(k) is accompanied below by two formally similar reconstructions, *musi and *mʷiti, also meaning ‘suck’ or ‘make a sucking noise’. It is tempting to combine *musi with *misi(k), reconstructing a hypothetical POc *mʷisi. The reason for not doing so is that POc *misi(k) has widespread reflexes associated with expressing refusal or dissatisfaction, whereas this element of meaning is missing from reflexes of *musi and *mʷiti.³⁴ Reflexes of *musi and *mʷiti have similar meanings, but their forms do not allow one to unite them in a single set.

PMP		*misik	‘sucking noise made as a signal to another person’ (ACD)
POc		*misi(k)	‘make sucking noise with lips or teeth, as a signal or sign of annoyance’35
NNG	Wab	mis	‘suck’
PT	Molima	(lo)misi	‘smack the lips (in rejection)’
PT	Gumawana	(kala)misi-misi	‘say no by smacking lips’
MM	Sursurunga	mis(tek)	‘smack the lips, indicating refusal of a request’
PEOc		*misi	‘suck through teeth’ (Geraghty 1983)
SES	Gela	misi-misi	‘make sucking noise with teeth’
SES	Lau	misi	‘smack the lips; call a dog with sucking sound’
SES	To’aba’ita	misi-misi	[VI] ‘suck one’s teeth (to dislodge food); smack one’s lips when eating’
SES	To’aba’ita	misi-misi-a	[VT] ‘suck at (bones etc.)’
PMic		*misi	‘smack one’s lips’ (Bender et al., 2003)
Mic	Chuukese	miti-mit	‘smack one’s lips, make a loud kissing noise’
Mic	Carolinian	m-mit	‘noise made by smacking lips or tongue to show dissatisfaction, to make such a noise’
Fij	Wayan	(kata)misi	‘click the tongue, sucking in air, go tut-tut’
PPn		*misi	‘sound made with the lips’ (POLLEX)
Pn	Tongan	mihi	[VI] ‘sniff, as when one has a cold’
Pn	Rennellese	misi-misi	‘make a kissing sound with rounded lips’
Pn	Samoan	misi	‘smack the lips’
Pn	Tikopia	misi	‘make sucking or chirping sound’ (quieter than miti)
Pn	Tokelauan	mihi	‘make a tsk with the tongue and teeth to indicate frustration or annoyance’

cf. also:

Fij

Bauan

misi

‘pick or nibble at (of bats)’

POc		*musu	‘suck, make a sucking or kissing noise’
NNG	Bilibil	-musi	‘suck’
NNG	Gedaged	musi	[VT] ‘suck, suckle, kiss, touch with the lips, sip, nibble’
NNG	Manam	musu	‘a puckered kiss to call a dog’
SJ	Sobei	(-)mus	‘drink’
MM	Tolai	mui	[VI] ‘make a noise as when sucking sugarcane’
SES	Gela	musu	‘make sound with lips in calling a dog; put limestick to lips in betel chewing’
SES	West Guadalcanal	mucu	‘suck’
SES	Talise	mucu-	‘suck’
SES	Malango	mucu-	‘suck’
SES	Lengo	(mu)musu	‘suck’
SES	Longgu	musu-musu	‘suck; put lips together; the action used for kissing, smoking, drinking from a coconut’
SES	Lau	musi, musu	‘make sucking noise with lips’
SES	Lau	musu(la)	‘smack lips’
SES	Kwaio	musu	‘kiss, smack lips’
SES	Arosi	musu	‘spurt breath from lips, make a whistling noise’

POc		*mʷiti	‘suck, make a sucking noise’
NNG	Mapos Buang	mul	‘kiss, nuzzle’
MM	Tolai	mit-mit	[VI] ‘make a sucking sound with mouth to indicate longing for food’
PPn		*miti	‘suck, lick up’ (POLLEX); ‘be sucked, be extracted’
Pn	Tongan	misi-misi	‘make a sucking noise, as when calling a dog’
Pn	Niuean	miti	‘suck, absorb’
Pn	Rennellese	miti	‘suck or draw in’
Pn	Pukapukan	mi-miti	‘sip’
Pn	Samoan	miti	‘suck, kiss; kind of sucking noise made to draw someone’s attention quietly’
Pn	Tikopia	miti	‘suck, sip, make sucking sound, chirrup’
Pn	Tahitian	miti-miti	‘suck, lick’
Pn	Māori	miti	‘lick up, undertow’
Pn	Hawaiian	miki	‘suck in, undertow’

PAn		*hisep	‘suck, inhale’ (ACD)
POc		*isop	‘suck up, inhale’ (ACD)
MM	Label	isop	‘drink’

3.6.2. Signalling with a kissing noise⇫

Although some of the terms below are glossed ‘kiss’, it is questionable whether the POc concept was one of kissing, rather than of making a sucking noise to attract attention.

POc		*[u]jumu	[VI] ‘suck, kiss, make kissing sound’
POc		*[u]jum-i-	[VT] ‘suck, kiss, make kissing sound’
Adm	Lou	sum	‘kiss’
Adm	Lou	sum(rek)	‘push lips for “no”’
NNG	Kaulong	hom	‘lick’
NNG	Tuam	usomu	‘suck’
NNG	Malai	usome	‘suck’
NNG	Bariai	sum-sum-i	‘beckon with a kissing noise’
MM	Bola	dumu	‘call a dog by a kissing sound’
MM	Madak	sumsu	‘kiss’
MM	Sursurunga	usum	[VT] ‘smell (s.t.), sniff’ (sic)
MM	Sursurunga	usm-ai	[VT] ‘smell (s.t.), sniff’
SES	Arosi	tom-i-	‘suck’
PNCV		*zum-i	‘kiss, make kissing sound’ (Clark 2009)
NCV	Mota	sum	‘the noise made to call pigs’
NCV	Nokuku	jum-i-	‘kiss’
NCV	Kiai	-sm	‘kiss’
NCV	Avava	(mi)sum	‘attract somebody’s attention by going tssst!’
NCV	Nese	jum	‘kiss’
NCV	Port Sandwich	cum-i	‘kiss’
NCV	Port Sandwich	cumʷi	‘suck’
NCV	Paamese	sumu	‘make noise with lips to attract attention’
NCV	Lewo	sumu	‘kiss’
NCV	Lewo	yumu-nia	‘make sucking noise’
PSV		*a-s(u)mu-i	‘suck’
SV	Anejom̃	a-θmo-i	‘suck’
Fij	Wayan	(kata)som	‘signal by a squeaky kissing sound, used to call attention of person or dog’
Fij	Wayan	(kata)som-ti	[VT] ‘attract s.o.’s attention by making a squeaky kissing sound’

3.7. Other events involving the digestive system⇫

3.7.1. Hiccups⇫

A single cognate set covers much of Oceanic.

PAn		*sedu	‘hiccup’ (ACD)
POc		*[ma]soru	[VI] ‘to hiccup’
Adm	Titan	masol	[VI] ‘hiccup’
MM	Roviana	so-sori(ŋi)	[VI] ‘hiccup’
SES	Gela	marohu	[VI] ‘gulp, hiccup’ (metathesis of *s- and *-r-)
SES	Longgu	toro(go)	[VI] ‘hiccup’ (torogo-i ‘a hiccup’)
SES	Arosi	toru	[VI] ‘hiccup’
SES	Bauro	matoru	[VI] ‘hiccup’
NCV	Mota	masor	‘sob, sobbing’
NCV	Raga	mahoru	‘hiccup’ (horu ‘sob’)
NCV	Tamambo	masoru	‘hiccup’
NCV	Uripiv	-masor	[VI] ‘hiccup’
NCV	Nguna	mʷasore	‘hiccup’
PMic		*maSeru	‘hiccup’ (Bender et al., 2003)
Mic	Puluwatese	matər	‘hiccup’
Mic	Woleaian	materʉ	‘hiccup’
Fij	Rotuman	masori	‘have the hiccups’
Fij	Bauan	ma-ðedru	[N, V] ‘hiccup’ (-e- for †-o-; -dr- for -r-)
Fij	Wayan	[ma]ðedru	‘inhale noisily, suck in air’ (-e- for †-o-; -dr- for †-r-)
Fij	Wayan	(toko)medru	‘hiccup; make a sharp noise in the throat or chest’ (-e- for †-o-; ∅ for -ð-; -dr- for -r-; for toko- cf PPn)
PPn		*toko-mahuru	‘hiccup’
Pn	Tongan	toko-mohū	‘hiccup’
Pn	Niuean	mohū	‘hiccup’
Pn	Rennellese	toka-maugu	‘have hiccups’
Pn	Pukapukan	toka-mauli	[N] ‘hiccup’ (final -i reanalysed as from mauli ‘life force’?)
Pn	Samoan	toʔo-maunu	‘hiccup’
Pn	Tikopia	toko-mauri	‘hiccup’
Pn	Māori	toko-mauri	‘hiccup’ (cf toko-hana ‘belch, hiccup’)

3.7.2. Belching⇫

Blust (ACD) reconstructs POc *toRap ‘belch’ on the basis of non-Oceanic evidence and a single Oceanic (Sa’a) reflex. Only two further cognates have been found.

PAn		*CeRab	[N] ‘belch’ (ACD)
PMP		*teRab	[N] ‘belch’ (ACD)
POc		*toRap	‘belch’ (ACD)
NNG	Mapos Buang	tɔq	[N] ‘belch’
SES	Sa’a	ora (lulu)	‘belch’
NCV	Big Nambas	i-dru	‘belch’36
NCV	Neve’ei	to-tor	‘belch’
NCV	Nāti	tor	‘belch’
NCV	Uripiv	e-raɾo	‘belch’
Pn	Samoan	to-tō	‘belch’

Bender et al. (2003) reconstruct PMic *kurer[ae], for which no non-Oceanic cognates are found.

PMic		*kurer[ae]	‘to belch’ (Bender et al., 2003)
Mic	Puluwatese	kɨrɨr	[N,VI] ‘burp, belch’
Mic	Carolinian	xərər	[VI] ‘to burp, belch’
Mic	Woleaian	xʉrere	[VI] ‘to burp, belch’

The obstacle to reconstructing a term for ‘belch’ is almost certainly paucity of data. The Roviana (Waterhouse 1949), Bugotu (Ivens 1940), Lau (Fox 1974) and Kwaio (Keesing 1975) dictionaries, for example, include no entry for ‘belch’ or ‘burp’.

3.7.3. Farting⇫

There are a number of terms for ‘fart, break wind’. The most widespread is POc *bʷisi, which seems from some of its glosses to have originally had the sense ‘spurt, splash’. This was perhaps a euphemism which almost replaced the inherited term, POc *(q)utut ‘fart’, for which there is just one known reflex. Other terms are also likely to have arisen via euphemism.

POc		*bʷisi	‘to fart’ (ACD: pisi; Lynch 2002e: PEOc *bʷisi ‘spurt out, fart’)
Adm	Mussau	pisi	‘to fart, break wind’
Adm	Loniu	isi	‘break wind’
NNG	Gedaged	pis	‘pass gases from the bowels’
PT	Sinaugoro	firi	[N] ‘wind, flatulence’
MM	Nakanai	pisi	‘break wind’
MM	Halia	pisi	‘break wind’
MM	Tangga	pis	‘emit wind’
MM	Tinputz	pih	‘break wind’
MM	Roviana	p(in)isi	‘break wind’
SES	Gela	pisi	‘be ejected, of faeces’
SES	Lau	kʷisi	‘splash; movements of bowels of a baby’
SES	Arosi	pʷisi	‘spurt, splash’
SES	Sa’a	pʷisi	‘spurt, splash’
PNCV		*bʷisi	‘buttocks; to fart’ (Clark 2009)
NCV	Lewo	pʷisi	‘farting noise’
NCV	Tolomako	pisi	‘fart’
NCV	Big Nambas	(i)pʷis	‘break wind’
SV	Lenakel	e-pʷa-pʷas	[VI] ‘splash’
SV	Lenakel	(auie)pʷas	[VT] ‘splash’
Mic	Puluwatese	pʷit	‘let wind (vulgar)’
Pn	Tongan	pihi	[VI] ‘splash up, squirt’
Pn	Rennellese	pisi(kia)	‘wet, soak, splash; receive a splash of s.t. in the eye’
Pn	Samoan	pi-pisi	‘gush, spout’

PMP		*qutut	‘flatulence; to fart’ (ACD)
POc		*(q)utut	‘fart’
MM	Simbo	utut-e	‘flatus ventris, wind from the bowels’

POc		*siR[u,i]	[VI] ‘blow, hiss, fart’
MM	Roviana	hiru	‘blow; to rise of wind or a storm’
PNCV		*siri	‘fart’ (Clark 2009)
NCV	Tamambo	siri	‘to fart’
NCV	Lonwolwol	sī	‘to leak (of air), hiss out’
NCV	Kiai	siri	‘break wind, fart’
SV	Sye	a-sis	‘fart’
SV	Kwamera	a-si	‘fart, break wind, (octopus) squirt’
Fij	Wayan	siu	‘break wind, fart’
Fij	Bauan	siu	‘produce a hissing sound, as steam under pressure’
Fij	Bauan	ðī	‘fart’
Pn	Ifira-Mele	sū	‘fart’
Pn	Māori	hū	‘resound, make any inarticulate sound, any explosive sound; erupt’
Pn	Tahitian	hu	‘wind emitted from the rectum’
Pn	Tuamotuan	hū	‘fart, any explosive sound, belch’

POc		*siki	‘to fart’
PT	Dawawa	siɣa	‘break wind’
MM	Banoni	sigi	‘break wind’
SES	Gela	hiɣi	‘break wind’
SES	Lengo	ðiɣi	‘break wind’
SES	Kwaio	siʔi	‘fart’
SES	’Are’are	siʔi	‘to fart’
SES	Sa’a	sī	‘break wind’
SES	Arosi	siʔi	‘break wind’
SES	To’aba’ita	siʔi	[VI] ‘fart’

PMic		*tiŋi	‘fart’
Mic	Kiribati	tiŋi	‘fart’
Mic	Marshallese	ciŋ	‘fart’
Mic	Carolinian	siŋ	‘fart’
Mic	Woleaian	siŋi	‘fart’

4. Emitting and eliminating substances from the body⇫

In §3.8, terms for the substances emitted by the body are reconstructed. In this section we reconstruct the verbs associated with the emission or elimination of these substances. However, there is no one-to-one correspondence between substance terms and verbs (and this is probably so across languages generally). POc speakers used the same terms, or terms derived from the same roots, for ‘saliva/spittle’ and ‘spit’ (§4.4.3), for ‘perspiration’ and ‘perspire’ (§4.4.6), ‘urine’ and ‘urinate’ (§4.4.7) and in one of two instances for ‘faeces’ (§3.8.6) and ‘defecate’ (§4.4.8). For ‘blood’ there was perhaps no associated verb ‘bleed’. For ‘earwax’ there is no corresponding verb. For ‘tears’ (§3.8.1) the associated verb is ‘weep’ (§4.7.3), but the latter has a wider range of meanings than ‘tears’ and there was in any case apparently no single-word term for tears. Oddly, the term for ‘snot, nasal mucus’ (§3.8.3) is the root of a verb meaning ‘grunt, growl, snore’ (§3.3.7).

Some verbs associated with the emission of substances from the body are handled in other sections. Vomiting (§4.4.4) is placed under events involving the digestive system, and weeping (§4.7.3) under physical responses to emotion or pain.

Bodily function verbs like ‘sneeze’, ‘yawn’, ‘urinate’ and ‘die’ are intransitive in their simple form. However, a typical POc verb will also have derived transitive forms carrying additional information. With verbs of secretion and excretion the transitive form in *-i took a location as its object (‘he urinated on the ground’), and the transitive form in *-akin[i] marked the product as the object (Evans 2003:197–199).³⁷

4.1. Bleeding⇫

No POc verb meaning ‘bleed’ can be reconstructed with certainty. POc *ma-draRa(q) (cf POc *draRa(q) ‘blood’, §3.3.3) almost certainly meant ‘bloody’ (*ma- formed property expressions; §1.3.5.4), but it is unclear whether it also had the dynamic verbal sense ‘bleed’, or whether the etymon first acquired this sense in PSOc.

PMP		*ma-daRaq	‘bloody, bleeding; menstruate’ (ACD)
POc		*ma-draRa(q)	‘bloody, bleed’
PSOc		*ma-daRa	‘bleed’ (Lynch 2001c)
NCV	Mota	manara-nara	‘bloody’
NCV	Mwotlap	m[a]day	‘bleed’
NCV	West Ambrym	mrā	‘flow (of blood)’
NCV	Paamese	medā	‘bleed’
NCV	Nguna	madā	‘bleed’
NCV	South Efate	mra	‘bleed’
PSV		*a-mada[]	‘bleed’ (Lynch 2001c)
SV	Sye	o-mnre	‘bleed’
SV	Lenakel	ə-mta	‘bleed’
SV	Kwamera	meta	‘bleed’
SV	Anejom̃	ca	‘bleed’

A number of Oceanic languages use a phrase meaning ‘blood flows’, and it is likely that such a phrase was also used in POc.

NNG	Bariai	i-siŋ i-lele	[his-blood it-flows]	‘he is bleeding’
NNG	Mangap	siŋ i-rēre	[blood it-flows]	‘it is bleeding’
SES	’Are’are	apu-na e ʔahe	[blood-his it flows]	‘he is bleeding’
SES	To’aba’ita	ʔabu e oka	[blood it flows]	‘it is bleeding’

4.2. Menstruating⇫

No reconstructions have been made. Many dictionary terms are euphemisms as in Molima tabu-tabu, Niue gagao fifine ‘woman’s illness’, Tongan fakakelekele ‘make unclean’, ’Are’are ʔoni i sihani ‘stay outside (the village)’. Marshallese uses a term betektek, an irregular derivation from POc *taqe ‘excrement’. Various terms collected, including Tolo reivula (vula ‘moon’) and Owa fagaifa ‘moon, month, woman’s period’ reflect an association with the moon.

4.3. Spitting and spittle⇫

Apart from compounds meaning ‘water of mouth’, i.e. saliva’ (§3.8.4), POc terms for ‘to spit’ and ‘spittle, saliva’ are remarkably recalcitrant when it comes to formal reconstruction, as two families of reconstructions are found, each containing several sets of related forms. For convenience we refer to them as (1) the *isu and (2) the *supa families. Each set within each family yields a distinct reconstruction attributable to POc or PWOc, a situation which does not allow reconstruction of a single form at the POc interstage.

The *isu family includes POc *kanisu, PWOc *kamisu, POc *ŋisu and POc *k(i,u)su. Even these forms are questionable, as daughter languages also reflect the final -isu as -usu or -usi.³⁸ This alternation appears to go back to PEMP, as Serui-Laut kunui reflects *kanusi whilst Wandamen kanisu reflects *kanisu (Blust 1978a:213). A further complication is that Blust reconstructs both the PEMP and POc forms with *q-, but the two EMP forms and Ubir, Motu and Fijian all reflect *k-, as reconstructed here. Polynesian languages reflect an irregular PPn *q-.

PEMP		*kanisu, *kanusu, *kanusi, *kinusu	‘to spit’ (Blust 1978a:213: PEMP *qanus-(i))
POc		*kanisu, *kanusi	[N] ‘spittle’; [V] ‘spit’
Adm	Mussau	kanusu	‘to spit’
NNG	Kairiru	qanswo-i	[VT] ‘to spit on’
PT	Ubir	kanu	‘saliva’
PT	Motu	kanudi	[VI] ‘to spit; spittle’
PT	Wedau	anu(maina)	‘spittle’ (maina ‘milk, sap’)
MM	West Kara	kanus	‘spittle’
MM	Tabar	kinocu	‘spittle’
MM	Sursurunga	kanusi	[VT] ‘spit in a single stream’
MM	Tangga	kanus(lo)	‘spittle’
NCV	Mota	anus	‘spit’
SV	North Tanna	aŋah	‘spit’
SV	Lenakel	aŋh	‘spit’
Fij	Nadrau	kanisu[v-]	[VT] ‘spit on’ (Geraghty 1983: 315)
Fij	Bauan	kānusi	[VT] ‘spit on’ (Geraghty 1983:137, 161)
PPn		*qanu[si]	‘to spit’ (POLLEX)
Pn	Tongan	ʔanuhi	[VT] ‘to spit, spit on’
Pn	Samoan	anu	‘spit’
Pn	Emae	nusi	‘spit’
Pn	Tikopia	anu	‘saliva’

At first sight the forms below look like reflexes of *kanisu in which *-n- has been replaced by -m-. However, there is nothing to cause this replacement, and the geographic distribution of the reflexes points to a separate earlier form with -m-.³⁹ SE Solomonic forms and Dorig lack *ka-.

POc		*kamisu, *kimusu	‘spittle, to spit’
NNG	Kaulong	kimos	‘to spit’
MM	Lihir	kamic	‘spittle’
MM	Petats	k⟨in⟩imus	‘spittle’ (⟨in⟩ nominaliser)
MM	Selau	k⟨öñ⟩msö	‘spittle’ (⟨Vn⟩ nominaliser)
MM	Mono-Alu	amisu	‘spit’
MM	Banoni	kamisu	‘spit’
MM	Torau	kamisu	‘spit’
MM	Vangunu	kamisu	‘spit’
MM	Kia	(ka)kamisu	‘spit’
MM	Kokota	kmisu	‘spit’
MM	Laghu	(ki)knisu	‘spit’
MM	Blablanga	na-pnisu	‘spit’
MM	Maringe	kmisu	‘spit’
SES	Owa	misu	‘spit’
SES	Bauro	mosu	‘spit’
SES	Kahua	musu	‘spit’
NCV	Dorig	mʷis	‘spit’

POc *ŋusu/*ŋisu are reconstructed separately from the forms above, as its reflexes can only be derived from *kanisu or *kanusu by positing independent idiosyncratic innovations in NNG and SES languages.

POc		*ŋisu, *ŋusu	‘to spit’
NNG	Lukep	ŋō-	‘spit’
NNG	Wab	ŋus	‘spit’
NNG	Bing	ŋus-us	‘spittle’
SES	Gela	(a)ŋusu	[VI, VT] ‘spit’
SES	Bugotu	(a)ŋusu	‘to spit, spit on; spittle’
SES	Longgu	ŋisu	‘to spit’
SES	Lau	ŋisu-	‘spittle, to spit’
SES	Sa’a	ŋisu-	[VI] ‘to spit’; ‘saliva’
SES	Kwaio	ŋisu(-)	‘saliva, spittle, gall’
SES	Arosi	ŋisu, ŋusu	‘spit’
SES	’Are’are	ni-nisua-	‘saliva, foam’

POc *kisu or *kusu is reconstructed below because it perhaps provides the key to understanding this family of reconstructions.

POc		*kisu, *kusu	‘to spit’
NNG	Labu	kusu	[VI] ‘spit’
NNG	Mengen	utu	‘to spit’ (expect †kutu)
PT	Muyuw	gus	‘spit, spray spit in magic ritual’
MM	Sisiqa	ko-kosu	‘spit’
MM	Babatana	ku-kusu	‘spit’
MM	Nduke	ɣoso	‘spit’
Mic	Woleaian	kut	‘spit, spittle’
Pn	Tongan	kisu	‘spit forcefully, spit out’
Pn	East Futunan	kisu	‘spray out from the mouth (e.g. chewed-up medicinal leaves, or water)’

Alternating POc reconstructions sometimes reflect alternations in PMP verbal morphology (§1.3.5), and this appears to be the most complex case we have encountered. POc *kisu/*kusu evidently reflects a PMP verb, for which, however, no non-Oceanic evidence is known. POc *ŋisu/*ŋusu reflects the intransitive (actor voice) form of the verb, formed by replacing the initial *k- of the root with the homorganic nasal *ŋ- (§1.3.5.6). PWOc *kamisu/*kimusu appears to reflect an alternative form of the intransitive, formed by infixing ⟨um⟩ after the initial consonant of the root, giving expected POc †*k⟨um⟩isu or †*k⟨um⟩usu. Finally, the set *kanisu/*kanusu/*kanusi/*kinusu appears to reflect a nominalisation formed by infixing ⟨in⟩ after the initial consonant of the root, giving expected POc †*k⟨in⟩isu or †*k⟨in⟩usu, the latter reflected in Tabar kinocu. The *-a- vowel in POc *kanisu/*kanusu/*kanusi and PWOc *kamisu is taken to reflect epenthesis, as the infixes were almost certainly not stressed in POc, giving forms like *[k(ə)nisu] and *[k(ə)misu] (cf. Kokota and Maringe kmisu).

The second family of forms includes POc *supa and *ka-supa, where *ka- appears to reflect the PMP formative *ka- found in stative intransitive verbs (§1.3.5.4). However, this is uncertain, as *ka-supa is not stative in meaning. The Nakanai, Boumaa Fijian and Micronesian reflexes of *ka-supa point to a transitive with an unexplained root-final *-t.⁴⁰ Here again there are variant forms, but we have no explanation for these: the forms listed below *ka-supa[t-i] under ‘cf. also’ reflect a replacement of *-s- by *-n- (Roinji), by *-t- (Nakanai) or *-(r,R)- (Bulu, Bola, Misima).

PMP		*supa(q)	‘to spit, spittle, saliva’ (ACD)
POc		*supa	‘to spit’
NNG	Mindiri	sua	‘spit’
MM	Vaghua	səve	‘spit’
MM	Varisi	sue	‘spit’
MM	Ririo	su-sui	‘spit’
SES	West Guadalcanal	cuve	‘spit’
SES	Talise	cuve	‘spit’
SES	Birao	cuve-cuve	‘spit’
SES	Lengo	suve	‘spit’
SES	Arosi	tuha	‘spit’

POc		*ka-supa[t-i]	‘to spit [on], spittle’
NNG	Kaulong	kusap	‘spit’ (vowel metathesis)
NNG	Tuam	ŋazuba	‘spittle’
NNG	Malai	nazuva	‘spittle’
NNG	Yabem	kasʊp	‘saliva, to spit’
NNG	Bukawa	gasup	‘spittle’
NNG	Numbami	kanzuwa	‘spit’
NNG	Numbami	kanzuwa-ŋa	‘spittle’ (-ŋa nominaliser)
NNG	Misim	kusuv	‘spit’
NNG	Mangga	kasuv	‘spit’
MM	Nakanai	kavuras-i	[VT] ‘to spit a spray into the air’ (metathesis)
MM	Barok	gi-gisip	‘spittle’
MM	Halia	kahus	‘spit’ (metathesis)
MM	Halia	k⟨in⟩ahus	‘spittle’ (metathesis + ⟨in⟩ nominaliser)
MM	Taiof	kisuf	‘spittle’
PMic		*ka(sS)i[sS]ifa	‘spit, spittle’ (Bender et al., 2003)
Mic	Chuukese	ɔttif	‘saliva, spittle’
Mic	Chuukese	ɔttifa(n)	‘spit’
Mic	Chuukese	ɔttife(yiti)	‘spit on’
Mic	Puluwatese	yɔttuf	‘saliva, sputum’
Mic	Puluwatese	ɔtɨfe	‘spit’
Mic	Puluwatese	ɔttɨfe-yiti	‘spit on’
Mic	Carolinian	ɔttuf	‘saliva, to spit’
Fij	Bauan	kasivi	‘to spit (medicinal leaves, or water)’
Fij	Boumā	kāsivi-ti-	[VT] ‘spit (medicinal leaves, or water)’

cf. also:

PT	Misima	kuluv-i	‘spit out’
NNG	Roinji	ɣanup	‘spittle’
MM	Bulu	kalupe	‘spittle’
MM	Bola	kalupe	‘spittle’
MM	Nakanai	katupe	‘spittle’
Fij	Wayan	katasiv-i	[VI] ‘spit’; [N] ‘spittle’41
Fij	Wayan	katasivi-ti-	[VT] ‘spit at s.o.’
Fij	Wayan	katasivi-takini-	[VT] ‘spit s.t. out’

Finally, Blust (ACD) reconstructs PMP *qizuR,⁴² with just two known Oceanic reflexes:

PMP		*qizuR	‘saliva, spittle’ (ACD)
POc		*qijuR	‘to spit, spittle’
NNG	Tami	(ma)kiju-	‘spittle’
NNG	Mangap	-kiziu	‘spit’

One further term *puRuk ‘spray water from the mouth; spray a mixture of saliva and masticated medicinal herbs on an ailing body part in curing’ is included with supporting evidence in §5.4.2.1.

4.4. Vomiting⇫

Two POc terms have been reconstructed, *[mu]mutaq and *luaq. A number of languages (Lou, Gela, Longgu, To’aba’ita, Kwaio) have reflexes in both sets. Their glosses suggest that *[mu]mutaq simply meant ‘vomit’, whereas *luaq denoted forceful ejection of a substance from the body, as discussed below.

POc *mutaq reflects PMP *um-utaq, i.e. the root preceded by the intransitive actor voice affix (§1.3.5.5).

PAn		*utaq	‘vomit’ (ACD)
PCEMP		*mutaq	[VI] ‘vomit’ (ACD)
POc		*[mu]mutaq	[VI] ‘vomit’
Adm	Wuvulu	mu-muʔa	‘vomit’
Adm	Seimat	mutu-mut	[VI] ‘vomit’
Adm	Lou	mu-mut	‘to vomit’
Adm	Loniu	mo-mota-ni	[VT] ‘spit s.t. out, vomit’
MM	Bola	muta	‘vomit’
NNG	Mengen	muta	‘vomit’
NNG	Kairiru	mu-mut	‘vomit’
NNG	Ulau-Suain	mu-mut	‘vomit’
NNG	Mapos Buang	mutq	‘vomit’
NNG	Patep	mutaʔ	‘vomit’
PT	Ubir	mout	[N, V] ‘vomit’
PT	Motu	mu-muta	[N, V] ‘vomit’
MM	Lavongai	mutak	‘vomit’
MM	Notsi	muta	‘vomit’
MM	Lamasong	muta	‘vomit’
MM	Tinputz	mut	‘vomit’
MM	Vangunu	muta	‘vomit’
SES	Gela	mu-muta	‘vomit’
SES	Longgu	moa	[VI] ‘vomit’
SES	Longgu	moa-li	[VT] ‘vomit on s.t.’
SES	Longgu	moa-taʔini	[VT] ‘vomit s.t. up’
SES	Lau	mo-moa	‘to vomit’
SES	To’aba’ita	moa	[VI] ‘vomit’
SES	To’aba’ita	moa-si-a	[VT] ‘vomit on s.t.’
SES	To’aba’ita	moa-tani-a	[VT] ‘vomit s.t. up’
SES	Kwaio	moa	‘vomit’
SES	Sa’a	moa	‘vomit’
SES	Arosi	moa	‘feel sick and desire to vomit’
SES	Arosi	moa-taʔi	‘feel sick from s.t.’
NCal	Iaai	m̥ita	‘vomit’
Mic	Kiribati	mʷu-mʷuta	‘regurgitation; to vomit, to regurgitate’
Mic	Marshallese	mʷmʷəc	‘vomit’
Mic	Ponapean	mmʷus	‘(N) vomit; (V) vomit’
Mic	Puluwatese	mʷmʷuh	‘(V) vomit’
Mic	Woleaian	mʷmʷute	‘vomit, throw up’

The Lou, Mangap, Gela, Kwaio and Samoan terms suggest that POc *luaq may have implied a more forceful action of vomiting or spitting, perhaps also including the ejaculation of seminal fluid as in To’aba’ita and Rennellese. As with the verbs of secretion and excretion discussed in §4.4, the transitive form in *-i took a location as its object (*luaq-i ‘vomit on’), and the transitive form in *-akin[i] marked the product as the object (*luaq-akin[i] (VT) ‘vomit s.t. up’).

PMP		*liwaq	‘spit out, vomit’ (Dempwolff 1938: *livah)
POc		*luaq	[VI] ‘eject forcefully from body; vomit, spit out, (?) discharge seminal fluid’
POc		*luaq-i	[VT] ‘vomit on’
POc		*luaq-akin[i]	[VT] ‘vomit s.t. up’
Adm	Mussau	luek-i	‘vomit’ (probably < POc *luaq-aki; Blust 1998a: 95)
Adm	Lou	luek	‘spit out’ (as above)
NNG	Mangap	lua-i	‘spit out of mouth’
NNG	Gitua	lua	‘vomit’
NNG	Malasanga	-lu-lua	‘vomit’
NNG	Roinji	lua	‘vomit’
NNG	Gedaged	-lu	‘vomit’
NNG	Numbami	lua	‘vomit’
NNG	Labu	-nu	‘vomit’
MM	Bali	luaka	‘vomit’
MM	Nakanai	lua	‘vomit’
MM	East Kara	luak	‘vomit’
MM	Halia	lua	‘vomit’
MM	Petats	lu-lua	‘vomit’
MM	Roviana	lua	‘vomit’
SES	Bugotu	lua	‘vomit’
SES	Gela	lua	‘burst out’
SES	Gela	lua-lua	‘boil over, as food cooked in bamboo; to spit out’
SES	Gela	lua-lagi	‘to spit out’
SES	Longgu	lue	[VI] ‘vomit’
SES	Longgu	lue-hi	[VT] ‘vomit on s.t.’
SES	Longgu	lue-gini	[VT] ‘vomit s.t. up’
SES	To’aba’ita	lua	[VI] ‘fall out, spill out, drop out; (of man) ejaculate’
SES	To’aba’ita	lua-fia	[VT] ‘(of a container) spill contents over s.t.’
SES	Kwaio	lua(ʔao)	‘vomit’
SES	Kwaio	lua-ŋaʔi	‘burst out, spew out from’
TM	Äiwoo	la	‘vomit’
TM	Nebao	liɔ	‘vomit’
NCV	Mota	lua	‘vomit’
NCV	Tamambo	lua	[VI] ‘vomit’
NCV	Araki	lua	[VI] ‘vomit’
NCV	Lewo	li-lua	‘vomit’
SV	Southwest Tanna	lua	‘vomit’
Fij	Bauan	lua	‘vomit’
Fij	Bauan	lua-ða	[VT] ‘vomit on s.t.’
Fij	Bauan	lua-ra, lua-raka	[VT] ‘vomit s.t. up’
Fij	Wayan	lue-ði-	[VT] ‘vomit on s.t.’
Fij	Wayan	lue-ðakini-	[VT] ‘vomit s.t. up; blurt s.t. out’
Pn	Tongan	lua	[VI] ‘vomit’
Pn	Rennellese	gua	‘throw up, vomit; discharge seminal fluid’
Pn	Samoan	lua-i	[VT] ‘expectorate, disgorge (phlegm)’
Pn	Tikopia	rūa	‘vomit’
Pn	Marquesan	ʔua	‘vomit’
Pn	Tahitian	ruaʔ-i	‘vomit’
Pn	Māori	ruak-i	‘vomit’

4.5. Ejaculation of seminal fluid⇫

No separate term for ejaculation of seminal fluid can be reconstructable, but it seems possible that this was one of the senses of POc *luaq above (§4.4.4), as this is one of the meanings of the To’aba’ita and Rennellese reflexes of the latter.

4.6. Sweating, perspiring and perspiration⇫

POc *maqono ‘sweat’ appears from its form (*ma- + disyllabic root) to have originally been a verb, but a number of its reflexes, often reduplicated, are now nouns. The absence or presence of final *-ta, reflected in ’Are’are and Maewo, is unexplained.

No extra-Polynesian cognates of PPn *ka-kawa have been found.

POc		*maqono[ta]	‘sweat’
MM	Nakanai	maholo	[N] ‘sweat’
MM	Meramera	maono	‘sweat’
MM	Tolai	maga-magon	[N,V] ‘sweat’
MM	Ramoaaina	mak-magon	[N,V] ‘sweat’
SES	’Are’are	ma-maonoa	‘perspire, sweat’
PNCV		*maono[ta]	‘sweat’ (Clark 2009)
NCV	Raga	ma-maono	[N] ‘sweat’
NCV	Nokuku	me-maon	[N] ‘sweat’
NCV	Labo	mone	[V] ‘sweat’
NCV	Maewo	ma-maonota	[N] ‘sweat’
NCV	South Efate	maono	[N] ‘sweat’
PMic		*ma-wono	‘perspiration’ (Bender et al. 2003)
Mic	Kiribati	ma-ono	‘perspiration’
Mic	Chuukese	mo-oɾōɾ, mo-oɾōɾe-	‘perspiration’
Mic	Puluwatese	mɔ-ɔniyɔn	‘perspiration’
Mic	Pulo Annian	ma-oɾa-ɾoɾa	‘perspiration’

PPn		*ka-kawa	‘sweat, be sweaty’
Pn	Niuean	kava-kava	‘to sweat, perspire’
Pn	Tongan	ka-kava	‘perspire, perspiration’
Pn	East Futunan	ka-kava	‘sweat’
Pn	Samoan	ʔa-ʔava	‘be pungent, acrid’
Pn	Māori	ka-kawa	‘sweat’

4.7. Urinating and urine⇫

PMP *miqmiq ‘urinate, urine’ seems to have had two POc reflexes, (i) the expected form *mimiq and (ii) a form *mimi(s) in which *-q was replaced by *-s. The final *-s surfaces only in the transitive form *mimis-i- ‘urinate on’, and it is of course possible that some of the reflexes assigned to *mimi(s) below in which no final consonant is retained should be assigned to *mimiq and vice versa.

Assignments of forms in which no final consonant is retained are made on the basis of the geographic distribution of reflexes of the two forms. Forms that reflect *-q are located in NNG and PT languages, in the northernmost subgroup of Meso-Melanesian, namely Tungag-Nalik of northern New Ireland, and in scattered NCV languages of Malakula. Forms that reflect *-s are found in Nakanai (MM, Willaumez), in several SE Solomonic languages, in a number of NCV languages from Ambae and Malakula, and in Bauan and Wayan Fijian. Admiralties forms have all lost the final consonant, but are assigned to *mimiq on the assumption that Proto Admiralty separated early from the rest of Oceanic and is more likely to have preserved the conservative form *mimiq. All other forms that have lost the final consonant occur in the region of *mimis-i- forms and are assumed to reflect *mimi(s).

But there are complications. Several languages assumed to reflect *mimiq actually reflect a variant *memeq. They are Mussau, Mumeng, Kapin, Lala and Bali—well scattered. A number of South New Ireland languages and Proto NW Solomonic, assumed to reflect *mimi(s), usually retain POc final consonants, but the relevant reflexes below all have the form mimi, suggesting that the final consonant was irregularly lost in these languages. And finally a number of North/Central Vanuatu and New Caledonian languages reflect PSOc *meRe- ‘urine’, *[me]meRe ‘urinate’, meRes-i- ‘urinate on’.⁴³ This seems to be a variant of POc *mimi(s) ‘urinate’, *mimis-i- ‘urinate on s.t.’ which replaces the root *mimis with the root *meRes.⁴⁴

It is difficult to offer an explanation of this variation, other than to suggest that euphemism may have led to wordplay. But this does not account for the fact that almost all the forms mentioned above occur in NCV languages, and that closely related languages have in some cases inherited different forms.

PMP		*miqmiq	‘urine, urinate’ (ACD)
POc		*mimiq	‘urinate’
Adm	Mussau	meme	‘urine’
Adm	Mussau	mme	‘urinate’
Adm	Seimat	mimi	‘urine’
Adm	Seimat	mimim	‘urinate’
Adm	Lou	mimi	‘urinate’
Adm	Lou	mimi-a	‘urine’
NNG	Kaiwa	miemk	‘urinate’
NNG	Hote	momak	‘urinate’
NNG	Kumaru	memk	‘urine’
NNG	Kapin	mameɣ	‘urine’
PT	Sinaugoro	miɣi	‘urinate’
PT	Lala	memeʔ-iʔa)	‘bladder’
MM	Bali	memeke	‘urinate’
MM	Lavongai	mik	‘urinate’
MM	Tigak	mik	‘urinate’
NCV	Avava	memek	‘urinate’45
NCV	Neve’ei	maxma	‘urinate’
NCV	Big Nambas	məxei	‘urinate’
NCV	Tape	moxwo	‘urinate’
NCV	Neverver	max-max	‘urinate’ (John Lynch, pers. comm.)

POc		*mimi(s)	‘urinate’
POc		*mimis-i-	‘urinate on s.t.’
POc		*mimis-aki[ni]-	‘pass s.t. in the urine’
MM	Bola	mimi	‘urinate’
MM	Nakanai	mimis-i	‘urinate’
MM	Meramera	mimi	‘urinate’
MM	East Kara	mi	‘urinate’
MM	Tabar	mimi	‘urinate’
MM	Tangga	mimi	‘urinate’
MM	Patpatar	mim	‘urinate’
MM	Minigir	mimi	‘urinate’
MM	Siar	mimi	‘urinate’
MM	Teop	mimi	‘urine, urinate’
MM	Torau	mimi	‘urine, urinate’
MM	Banoni	mimi	‘urine’
MM	Roviana	mimi	‘urinate’
MM	Babatana	mimi-	‘urine, urinate’
SES	Gela	mimi-	‘urine, urinate’
SES	Gela	mimih-i	‘pass urine on s.t.’
SES	Bugotu	mimi-	‘urine, to urinate’
SES	Longgu	mimis-i	[VT] ‘urinate on s.t.’
SES	Longgu	mimit-aʔini-	[VT] ‘pass s.t. in urine’
SES	Arosi	mimi	‘urinate’
SES	Arosi	mimis-i	[VT] ‘urinate on s.t.’
SES	Arosi	mimi-ŋ-aʔi	‘pass s.t. in urine’ (-ŋ- for †-s-)
SES	Kwaio	mimi-	‘urine, urinate’
SES	’Are’are	mimi	‘urinate’
SES	’Are’are	mimi-	‘urine’
SES	Sa’a	mimi	‘urinate’
SES	To’aba’ita	mimi	‘urinate’
SES	To’aba’ita	mimis-i	[VT] ‘urinate on s.t.’
SES	To’aba’ita	mimit-ania	[VT] ‘pass s.t. in urine’
NCV	Ambae	mimi-	[N, VI] ‘urinate, urine’
NCV	Ambae	mimih-i	[VT] ‘urinate on s.t.’
NCV	Ambae	mimi-gi(ni)	[VT] ‘urinate s.t.’
NCV	Lendamboi	məmiese	‘urinate’ (John Lynch, pers. comm.)
NCV	Labo	müsmüs	‘urinate’ (John Lynch, pers. comm.)
NCV	Avok	mismis	‘urinate’ (John Lynch, pers. comm.)
NCV	Nasvang	mismis	‘urinate’ (John Lynch, pers. comm.)
NCV	Nisvai	mis(busbus)	‘urinate’ (John Lynch, pers. comm.)
NCV	Maskelynes	mismis	‘urinate’ (John Lynch, pers. comm.)
NCV	Port Sandwich	misü	‘urinate’ (John Lynch, pers. comm.)
NCV	Southwest Bay	mis	‘urinate’ (John Lynch, pers. comm.)
SV	Whitesands	a-mi	‘urinate’
SV	Whitesands	a-mialili	‘urinate on’
SV	Kwamera	a-mi	‘urinate’
Fij	Bauan	mī	‘urine’
Fij	Bauan	mimi	‘urinate’
Fij	Bauan	mið-a	[VT] ‘urinate on a place’
Fij	Bauan	mið-aka	[VT] ‘urinate s.t., pass urine’
Fij	Wayan	mī	‘urinate; urine’
Fij	Wayan	mimi	‘flow out as a stream’
Fij	Wayan	mið-i-	[VT] ‘urinate on s.t.’
Fij	Wayan	mið-akini-	[VT] ‘urinate s.t.’
Pn	Tongan	mimi	‘urinate, urine’
Pn	Niuean	mimi	‘urinate’
Pn	Rennellese	mimi	‘urinate’
Pn	Samoan	mīmī	‘urinate’
Pn	Tikopia	mī, mīmī	‘urinate’
Pn	Māori	mimi	‘urinate’
Pn	Hawaiian	mimi	‘urine, urinate’

cf. also:

Pn	Samoan	mimi	‘genitals (male or female)’ (euphemism)
Pn	Tikopia	mimi	‘female genitalia’

PSOc		*meRe-	‘urine’ (Clark 2009: PNCV *memere ‘urine, urinate’)
PSOc		*[me]meRe	‘urinate’ (Clark 2009: PNCV *memere ‘urine, urinate’)
PSOc		*meRes-i-	‘urinate on’ (Clark 2009: PNCV *memere ‘urine, urinate’)
NCV	Mota	meme	‘bladder; urine, urinate’
NCV	Mwotlap	mem	‘urinate’
NCV	Araki	m̫ere	‘urine, urinate’
NCV	Nokuku	mer-meris	‘urinate’
NCV	Kiai	mere	‘urinate’
NCV	Kiai	meres-i-	‘urinate on’
NCV	Larëvat	mie-	‘urine’
NCV	Uripiv	-meme	‘urinate’
NCV	Uripiv	-mems-i	‘urinate on’ (John Lynch, pers. comm.)
NCV	Labo	ne-mie-	‘urine’
NCV	Port Sandwich	mea-	‘urine’
NCV	Raga	mere	‘urinate’
NCV	Raga	mere-	‘urine’
NCV	Paamese	mee-	‘urine’
NCV	Paamese	me-mee	‘urinate’
NCV	Paamese	me-meas-i	‘urinate on’
NCV	Nguna	na-mea	‘urine’
NCV	Nguna	me-mea	‘urinate’
NCV	South Efate	na-me	‘urine’
NCV	South Efate	me	‘urinate’
NCal	Cèmuhî	(i)me	‘urinate’
NCal	Xârâcùù	mĩã	‘urinate’
NCal	Iaai	(hi)mæ	‘urinate’

The set of forms below has no known cognates outside New Guinea Oceanic (NNG, PT) and raises several puzzles. If the PNGOc etymon was a trisyllable with final -CV, then its reduction to a disyllable in Wab, Bing and Numbami is puzzling. It would be explained if Sio busali were originally a transitive verb reflecting suffix *-i ‘urinate on’. The PNGOc intransitive root ‘urinate’ would then have been *bʷaju(r,R),⁴⁶ the transitive *bʷaju(r,R)-i, but the PT forms in final -u do not support this reconstruction, as the default vowel added after an inherited final consonant in Suauic languages (i.e. Tubetube and Suau) is -i, not the attested -u. Furthermore, the sets of forms listed under ‘cf. also’ appear to reflect PPT *bʷasoso and PPT *bʷasi and their relationship to the reconstructed form is not understood.

PNGOc		*bʷaju(r,R)(i,u)	‘urinate’
NNG	Wab	(bud)bud	‘urinate’
NNG	Bing	buz	‘urinate’
NNG	Numbami	busu	‘urinate, defecate; urine, bladder, defecation, ink (of squid, cuttlefish)’
NNG	Sio	busali	‘urinate’
PT	Dawawa	bosuru	‘urine, urinate’
PT	Tubetube	bʷasulu	‘urinate’
PT	Suau	bosulu	‘urinate’

cf. also:

PT	Gumawana	bisoso	‘urinate’
PT	Gumawana	bisoso-e	‘urine; urinate on’ (-e from POc *-aki[ni])
PT	Gumawana	bʷasi	‘water’
PT	Dobu	bʷasi	‘urinate’
PT	Misima	bʷasoso	‘urinate’
PT	Misima	bʷaesi	‘urinate’
PT	Kilivila	bʷesi	‘urinate’
PT	Muyuw	bʷeis	‘urinate’

4.8. Defecating⇫

Like POc *mimiq, reflexes of POc *pekas are generally intransitive, but can be transitivised when additional information is included (*pekas-i ‘defecate on s.t.’, *pekas-aki[ni] ‘defecate s.t.’). POc *taqe was primarily a noun, ‘faeces’, but is reflected as a verb in some languages (see §3.8.6).

When more than one term is reconstructable, one may be used as a polite term. e.g. in Tikopia tiko is the regular word, while peka is used in the presence of kin with whom constraint of relationship is observed.

POc		*pekas	‘defecate; faeces’
POc		*pekas-i	‘defecate on s.t.’
POc		*pekas-aki[ni]	‘defecate s.t.’
Adm	Seimat	pepe-a	‘faeces, defecation’
Adm	Loniu	pehe	‘defecate’
Adm	Lou	pɛɛk	‘excrete’
Adm	Titan	pe	‘defecate’
NNG	Manam	(ta)beka	‘defecate’
NNG	Bariai	be-bea	‘excrete’
NNG	Kaulong	pias	‘defecate’
NNG	Labu	-pe	‘defecate’
PT	Motu	heku(kuri)	‘diarrhoea’ (kuri ‘a little water etc.’)
MM	Tabar	peka	‘excrete’
MM	Minigir	peka	‘excrement’
MM	Patpatar	pēka	‘defecate’
MM	Tolai	peke	‘excrement, defecate’
MM	Kandas	peke	‘excrement’
MM	Bilur	peke	‘excrement’
MM	Mono-Alu	pea	‘defecate’
MM	Varisi	beɣa	‘defecate’
MM	Roviana	pea	‘defecate’
SES	Bugotu	ve-veɣa	[V] ‘defecate’; [N] ‘excrement’
SES	Longgu	veʔa	‘defecate’
SES	To’aba’ita	feʔa	[VI] ‘defecate’
SES	To’aba’ita	feʔesi-a	[VT] ‘defecate on s.t.’
SES	Sa’a	heʔa	[VI] ‘defecate’
SES	Sa’a	heʔas-i	[VT] ‘defecate on s.t.’
SES	Arosi	heʔa	[VI] ‘defecate’
SES	Arosi	heʔas-i	[VT] ‘defecate on s.t.’
SES	Arosi	heʔa-ŋaʔi	[VT] ‘expel s.t. from the anus’
PSV		*a-veɣas	‘defecate’ (Lynch 2001)
SV	Sye	evɣah	‘defecate’
SV	Ura	ivek	‘defecate’
SV	Lenakel	avhe	‘defecate’
Mic	Kiribati	peka	‘defecate’
Mic	Marshallese	pek	‘semen, sperm’
Mic	Woleaian	pāxe	‘defecate’
Mic	Woleaian	paxa	‘excrement, to defecate’
Fij	Bauan	veka	‘excrement, excrete’
Fij	Boumā	veʔa	‘excrement, excrete’
Fij	Boumā	veʔað-a	[VT] ‘defecate on s.t.’
Fij	Boumā	veʔað-aʔin-a	[VT] ‘excrete s.t.’
Fij	Wayan	vē-veke	[VI] ‘defecate’
Fij	Wayan	vekeð-i	[VT] ‘defecate on s.t.’
Fij	Wayan	vekeð-akini-	[VT] ‘excrete s.t.’
PNPn		*feka-feka	‘entrails of fish’
Pn	Samoan	feʔa-feʔa	‘entrails of bonito’
Pn	Tuvalu	feka-feka	‘gills and gullet of fish’
Pn	Rennellese	heka-heka	‘be smeared, filth-littered’

cf. also:

NNG	Takia	bei	‘defecate, excrete’
MM	East Kara	pes	‘sit to excrete faeces’
MM	Nehan	behe, beh	‘defecate’
MM	Halia	pi	‘defecate’
MM	Tinputz	bebeak	‘excrete’

A number of languages use reflexes of POc *tape ‘to flow’ (vol.2:93), commonly referring to the flow of blood or other liquids, but sometimes referring to excretory functions (Gela tave toba ‘diarrhoea’, Mota tatave ‘to excrete’).

5. Respiration and events involving the respiratory organs⇫

5.1. Breathing⇫

POc *[ma]ñawa ‘breathe’ is among a small group of experiential POc verbs beginning with the prefix *ma- where the intransitive subject is a human experiencer (Evans 2003:276; §1.3.5.4). Other *ma- initial verbs discussed here include POc *[ma]soru ‘hiccup’, POc *mawap ‘yawn’, and *[ma]turu(R) ‘sleep, to be asleep’.

There is a great deal of variation in the English glosses of reflexes, but much of it falls into place when it is recognised that the inherited core meaning of POc *[ma]ñawa was something like ‘living essence, soul’ of a human being, which included breathing and the beating heart as the physical manifestation of life. ‘Rest’ follows from this: cf. English ‘take a breather’.

Occasional reflexes of POc *[ma]ñawa include reference to the fontanelle. This is a visible pulse in a young baby, reflecting the fact that the baby is alive.

Proto Polynesian has two reflexes of POc *[ma]ñawa, namely PPn *mānawa ‘breathe; breath’ and PPn *manawa ‘belly’. In consequence it is tempting to reconstruct a pair of POc (near-)homophones, but this would probably be a mistake, as the contrast between short and long vowels is a Central Pacific (Fijian and Polynesian) phenomenon. PPn *mā- marked an undergoer-subject intransitive verb, and *mānawa was a verb meaning ‘breathe’. The nominal ‘breath’ gloss represents a derivation. PPn *manawa on the other hand was a noun, ‘belly’.

The two Polynesian sets are kept separate below, even though the reflexes of the two forms are identical in several (especially Eastern Polynesian) languages where the long/short vowel distinction has been lost in this pair of etyma.

PAn		*LiSawa	‘breathe, breath’ (ACD)
PMP		*[ma]nihawa	‘breathe; breath’ (ACD; Ross 1988)
POc		*[ma]ñawa	[V] ‘breathe, rest, be alive’; [N] ‘breath, life, fontanelle’
Adm	Seimat	naw	‘breath’
Adm	Seimat	(ha)naw	‘breathe’
Adm	Lou	mein	‘fontanelle’
NNG	Bam	-maneu	‘rest’
NNG	Wogeo	-mañawa	‘rest’
PT	Kilivila	mola-	‘fontanelle’ (-o- for †-a-)
PT	Gapapaiwa	manawa-	‘stomach’
PT	Wedau	manawa-	‘belly, abdomen’
MM	Tolai	mana-manaug	‘fontanelle’
MM	Vaghua	(ma)nava-	‘liver’
MM	Kokota	na-nafa-	‘heart’
MM	Laghu	na-nafa-	‘heart’
MM	Blablanga	na-nafa-	‘heart’
MM	Maringe	na-ñafa-	‘heart, chest’
MM	Maringe	ñafa	‘rest’
SES	Oroha	manoa(sa)	‘breathe’
SES	Arosi	manawa	‘breathe, rest, pant; breath, lungs, fontanelle’
SES	Bauro	manawa	‘breathe’
SES	Fagani	manawa	‘breathe’
SES	Kahua	manava(sa)	‘breathe’
SES	Owa	manawa	‘breathe’
NCal	Nêlêmwa	malep	‘live, be alive’
NCal	Iaai	menɔ	‘breathe’
PMic		*ma-[n,ñ]awa	‘life, alive’ (Bender et al. 2003)
Mic	Kiribati	te-manawa-	‘pit of the stomach’
Mic	Marshallese	menewa	‘breathe; heart, breath’
Mic	Carolinian	malaw	‘be alive, live’
Mic	Chuukese	maɾaw	‘life, heath, be alive’
Mic	Woleaian	malawa	[VI] ‘be alive, give birth to a baby’
PPn		*mānawa	‘breathe; breath’ (POLLEX)
Pn	Tongan	mānava	‘breath, breathe’
Pn	Niuafo’ou	mānava	‘breath’
Pn	Niuean	faka-manava	‘breath’ (faka- < POc *paka- CAUSATIVE)
Pn	Samoan	mānava	‘breathe, breath; palpitate, pulsate; rest from work’
Pn	Anutan	mānava	‘breath, to rest’
Pn	East Uvean	mānava	‘breath, breathe’
Pn	Tuvalu	mānava	‘breathe’
Pn	East Futunan	mānava	‘breath, breathe’
Pn	West Futunan	manava	‘breathe rapidly as with fright’; ‘belly’
Pn	Nukuoro	manava	‘breath, breathe’
Pn	Emae	mānava	‘breathe’
Pn	Rennellese	manaba	‘breathe; breath, fontanelle’; ‘abdomen, navel, navel-cord’
Pn	Rennellese	manaba-ʔaŋa	‘breath, breathing’
Pn	Rennellese	haka-mānaba	‘breath’ (haka- < POc *paka- CAUSATIVE)
Pn	Pileni	ma(a)nava	‘rest, breathe’
Pn	Pileni	māva	‘breathe’
Pn	Luangiua	māŋava	‘breath’
Pn	Pukapukan	mānava	‘long-winded, good at holding breath under water’
Pn	Sikaiana	mānava	‘breath’
Pn	Tikopia	mānava	‘breath’
Pn	Tokelauan	mānava	‘breath, breathing’
Pn	Takuu	mānava	‘breathe’
Pn	Hawaiian	manawa	‘anterior fontanelle’
Pn	Marquesan	menava	‘breath, anterior fontanelle’
Pn	Tuamotuan	manava	‘breath’ (poetic); ‘stomach’
Pn	Māori	manawa	‘breath’; ‘belly, bowels, heart’
PPn		*manawa	‘belly’ (POLLEX)
Pn	Tongan	manava	‘belly’
Pn	Niuafo’ou	manava	‘womb’
Pn	Niuean	manava	‘belly’
Pn	Samoan	manava	‘belly, abdomen’
Pn	Anutan	ma(a)nava	‘belly, stomach’
Pn	East Uvean	manava	‘belly, stomach’
Pn	Tuvalu	manava	‘belly, seat of the emotions, entrails’
Pn	East Futunan	manava	‘belly’
Pn	West Futunan	manava	‘breathe rapidly as with fright’; ‘belly’
Pn	Rennellese	manaba	‘breathe; breath, fontanelle’; ‘abdomen, navel, navel-cord’
Pn	Pileni	manava	‘stomach’
Pn	Luangiua	maŋava	‘belly, seat of the emotions, entrails’
Pn	Pukapukan	manava	‘abdomen, belly, stomach’
Pn	Pukapukan	waka-manava	‘rest, breathe’
Pn	Pukapukan	(watu)manava	‘heart’
Pn	Sikaiana	manava	‘belly’
Pn	Tikopia	manava	‘belly, stomach’
Pn	Tokelauan	manava	‘belly, abdomen’
Pn	Takuu	manava	‘belly, seat of the emotions, entrails’
Pn	Tahitian	manava	‘belly’
Pn	Mangarevan	manava	‘innards’
Pn	Tuamotuan	manava	‘breath’ (poetic); ‘stomach’
Pn	Māori	manawa	‘breath’; ‘belly, bowels, heart’
Pn	Rapanui	manaba	‘abdomen, belly, stomach’

The terms below include three cognate forms from north New Ireland languages and possible cognates from the Guadalcanal-Gelic cluster of the Southeast Solomons which differ only in lacking the initial consonant. The forms with m- apparently reflect an actor voice form (§1.3.5.5).

POc		*[m]ase	‘breathe’
MM	Tabar	mase	‘breathe’
MM	Lamasong	mas	‘breathe’
MM	Madak	mas	‘breathe’
SES	Bugotu	ahe	‘breathe’
SES	Bugotu	ahe-ahe	‘breath’
SES	Gela	ahe-ahe	‘breathe, rest; bosom’
SES	Talise	ase-ase	‘breathe’
SES	Birao	ase(bona)	‘breathe’
SES	Lengo	aðe-aðe	‘breathe’
SES	Longgu	aðe-aðe	‘breathe’

5.2. Gasping and panting⇫

There are no well populated cognate sets for ‘gasp’ or ‘pant’, but there are enough data to allow two reconstructions. Only the first, POc *oŋap ‘pant, be out of breath’, has known non-Oceanic cognates, and only its Gela reflex is problem-free. Other reflexes display the irregularities indicated in parentheses, and the first three lack a reflex of initial POc *o-.

PMP		*eŋap	‘gasp for breath’ (ACD)
POc		*oŋap	‘pant, be out of breath’
NNG	Kove	ŋave	‘pant, as a dog’ (-e unexplained)
NNG	Kaulong	ŋep	‘pant’ (-e- for †-a-)
MM	Sursurunga	ŋeh-ŋeh	‘be out of breath’ (-e- for †-a-)
MM	Tolai	ŋua	‘asthma’ (metathesis)
MM	Roviana	uŋa	‘asthma, bronchitis’ (u- for †o-)
SES	Gela	oŋa	‘be out of breath with running, as in bringing news’

The other reconstruction is POc *ŋaRa, which, despite various meaning extensions in its reflexes, appears to have meant ‘be breathless, pant’ and to have included asthmatic panting.

POc		*ŋaRa	‘be breathless, pant’ (Geraghty 1990: PEOc)
MM	Nehan	ŋara	‘breathless, winded’
MM	Roviana	ŋa-ŋara	‘open the mouth, open as shellfish’
NCV	Mota	ŋala	‘be out of breath, pant, be tired’
NCV	Labo	ŋaxa	‘breathe, be out of breath, asthmatic’
Fij	Wayan	ŋā	‘catch liquid in a container or by holding the mouth open under running water’
Fij	Wayan	(vā)ŋāŋāŋā	‘with mouth or container opened; gaping’
Fij	Bauan	ŋā	‘opening of mouth, gaping action; catch water in the mouth and drink it as it runs’
PPn		*ŋā	‘breathe, pant’ (POLLEX)
Pn	Tongan	ŋā	‘pant, struggle for breath, as with asthma’
Pn	Rennellese	ŋā	‘open the mouth, as a thirsty cormorant or dog’
Pn	Tikopia	ŋā	‘screech, utter hoarse cry’
Pn	Rarotongan	ŋā	‘pant, gasp’
Pn	Māori	ŋā	‘take breath, breathe; make hoarse harsh noise, screech’
Pn	Hawaiian	nā	‘moan, groan, wail’

cf. also:

NNG	Sio	ŋa-ŋa	‘breathe hard, pant’
MM	Nakanai	lala(hate)	‘breathe, sigh’ (hate ‘liver, innards’)
MM	Ramoaaina	ŋoro-ŋoro	‘pant, be breathless, be out of breath’ (conflates reflexes of ŋaRa ‘pant’ and ŋorok ‘grunt’)
MM	Roviana	ŋa-ŋaha	‘pant with exertion’

5.3. Snoring⇫

Probably POc *ŋorok ‘grunt, growl, snore’ reflects the same root as *ŋorok ‘snot’ (§3.8.3). A reduplicated form *ŋoro-ŋorok means ‘channel above upper lip’ (§3.4.12).

PMP		*ŋorok	‘snore’
POc		*ŋorok	‘grunt, growl, snore’
Adm	Lou	ŋur	‘grunt, growl, snore’
Adm	Mussau	ŋō	‘to snore’ (for †ŋol)
NNG	Takia	ŋur	‘snore’
NNG	Lukep	ŋoro	‘breathe’
NNG	Sio	ŋoro	‘snore, gasp for breath’
NNG	Singorakai	ŋuru	‘breathe’
NNG	Atui	ŋorok	‘sleep, lie’
NNG	Manam	ŋoro	‘snore’
NNG	Ali	(ka)ŋor	‘snore’
MM	Vitu	ŋoro	‘sleep’
MM	Nakanai	goro	‘snore’ (for †golo)
MM	Meramera	ŋolo	‘sleep’
MM	Ramoaaina	ŋoro-ŋoro	‘pant, be out of breath’
MM	Babatana	ŋor(apa)	‘snore’
SES	Gela	ŋora	‘(dog) bark’
SES	Lau	ŋoro, ŋora	‘snore, growl, snarl’
SES	To’aba’ita	ŋora	[VI] ‘snore, grunt (pigs)’
SES	Kwaio	ŋola	‘snore’
SES	Sa’a	ŋora	‘snore, snort, grunt’
NCV	Mota	ŋora	‘grunt, snort, snore’
NCV	Tamambo	ŋora	‘snore’
Mic	Kiribati	ŋō-ŋō	‘snore’
Mic	Marshallese	ŋor(tak)	‘snore’
Mic	Woleaian	ŋoro-ŋoro	‘snore’
Pn	Tikopia	ŋoro	‘snore, snort (as with laughter)’
Pn	Rapanui	ŋo-ŋoro	‘snore’
Pn	Ifira-Mele	ŋora	‘snore’
Pn	Māori	ŋo-ŋoro	‘snore’

cf. also:

Pn

Tongan

ŋolo

‘make rattling or rumbling noise in breathing’

5.4. Blowing air from the mouth⇫

Several POc verbs of blowing are reconstructable, but most of these refer to the blowing of the wind, and are presented in vol.2:125–127. The only POc verbs which we can say with some confidence denoted a person blowing air from the mouth are the pair *ipu and *upi, which probably have a common origin in PMP *ibut ‘breeze, draught of wind’. We can be reasonably confident about their meaning because their reflexes are used of playing traditional flutes and by extension for the flutes themselves (vol.1:107–108).

PMP		*ibut	‘breeze, draught of wind’ (ACD)
POc		*ipu	‘(wind, person) blow’ (vol.1:107-108, vol.2:125)
NNG	Bing	yu	‘(wind) blow’
NNG	Sissano	-iu	‘(wind) blow’
MM	Tinputz	viu	‘(wind) blow’ (metathesis)
MM	Mono	ihu	‘(wind) blow’
MM	Lungga	ivu	‘blow’
MM	Roviana	ivu-a	‘blow on (fire), blow into (conch)’
MM	Maringe	ifu	‘blow’
SES	Bugotu	ifu	‘blow (fire, pan-pipes)’

PCEMP		*upi	‘(wind, person) blow’ (Blust, 1993:180)
POc		*upi	‘(wind, person) blow’ (vol.1:107-108, vol.2:125)
Adm	Seimat	uhi	‘blow on the fire’
NNG	Mangap	-wi	‘(wind) blow’
NNG	Apalik	uwi	‘northwest monsoon’
NNG	Takia	-wi	‘(wind) blow’
NNG	Yabem	yu	‘(s.o.) blow’
NNG	Kaiwa	u	‘(wind) blow’
NNG	Misim	yuv	‘(wind) blow’
NNG	Vehes	vin	‘wind’
NNG	Mangga	va-	[VI] ‘wind’
NNG	Medebur	-wi	‘(wind) blow’
MM	Tabar	uvi	‘(wind) blow’
SES	Gela	uvi-uvi	‘blow with the breath, play pipes’
SES	Lau	ufi	‘blow with the mouth; blow a conch or panpipes’
SES	To’aba’ita	ūfi-a	[VT] ‘blow into s.t. to produce a sound’
SES	Arosi	uhi	‘blow, breathe on’
NCV	Mota	uw	‘blow with the mouth, or of wind’
NCV	Raga	uvi	‘blow’
NCV	Paamese	uhi	[VT] ‘blow’
Fij	Wayan	uvi, uvu	[VI] ‘(fire, flute) be blown with the mouth, (ball, balloon) inflated, blown up’
Fij	Wayan	uvi	[VI] ‘blow s.t. with the mouth’

The following Eastern Oceanic forms appear to reflect a conflation of PEOc *bʷisi ‘spurt out, fart’ (§4.3.7.3) and *(p,pʷ)usi ‘(wind) blow’ (vol.2:126).

PEOc		*pus(u)-i-	‘blow s.t. forcefully from the mouth’
SES	Longgu	puzu-	‘blow s.t. out’
NCV	Mota	pu-pus	‘puff out from mouth’
PCP		*pus-i	‘blow energetically’
Fij	Rotuman	pusi	[VI] ‘to burst, splash’
PPn		*pus-i	‘blow air from the mouth’ (POLLEX)
Pn	Tongan	puh-i	[VI, VT] ‘blow energetically with the mouth; (of a whale) to spout; to puff, puff at’
Pn	Niuean	puh-i	[VT] ‘blow, spurt out, spit out’
Pn	Pukapukan	pu-i	‘blow, spit s.t. out of mouth’
Pn	Rennellese	pus-i	‘(wind) blow, blow (flute)’
Pn	Tikopia	pus-i	‘spit, squirt, spray from the mouth’
Pn	Māori	pu-puh-i	‘blow (as the wind, a whale), shoot (a gun)’

5.5. Gaping⇫

Three reconstructions with the same root, POc *(q)aŋap, denote the notion of gaping or having one’s mouth wide open. In the first set below the root occurs by itself. The other two reflect the affixes *⟨um⟩ (§1.3.5.5) and *paN- (§1.3.5.6), both forming dynamic intransitive verbs.

PMP		*qaŋa[p,b]	‘gape, open the mouth wide’ (ACD)
POc		*(q)aŋap	‘gape’
Adm	Mussau	aŋa	‘gape’
SES	Lau	āŋa	‘open mouth wide’
SES	Lau	āŋa fafa	‘gape’ (fafā ‘wide open’)
SES	Sa’a	aŋa	‘to open’
SES	Sa’a	aŋa wawa	‘open the mouth to speak’ (wawa ‘mouth’)
NCV	Mota	waŋa	‘open the mouth, gape, gasp’
Fij	Wayan	ðaŋa	‘vagina’

PMP		*q⟨um⟩aŋa[p,b]	‘gape, open the mouth wide’ (*⟨um⟩ actor voice)
POc		*maŋa(p)	[V] ‘to open wide, gape’; [N] ‘open mouth; gap, space’
MM	Banoni	maŋo	‘mouth’
MM	Lungga	maŋa	‘mouth’
MM	Kia	maŋa	‘mouth’
MM	Kokota	maŋa	‘mouth’
SES	Gela	maŋa	‘mouth’, voice’
SES	Bugotu	maŋa	[N] ‘space, time, air’; [V] ‘to be open, of space’
SES	Bugotu	mā-maŋa	‘aperture’
SES	Tolo	maŋa	‘an opening, mouth, voice’
SES	Tolo	maŋa-maŋa	‘gap, opening (between two things)’
SES	Lau	maŋa	‘space’
SES	Arosi	maŋa	[N] ‘an opening, mouth’
SES	To’aba’ita	maŋā	‘air as the space between earth and sky’
NCV	Mota	maŋa	[N] ‘an opening with lips, mouth’; [V] ‘to open, gape’
NCV	Raga	maŋa	‘pant, gape’
NCV	Nguna	māŋa	‘open mouth, gape, be amazed’
Fij	Rotuman	maŋa	‘(of the mouth) to be open; (in general) to gape, to be wide open’
Fij	Bauan	maŋa	‘vagina’
Pn	Tongan	(faka)maŋa	‘gape’
Pn	Niuean	(faka)mamaŋa	‘open the mouth’
Pn	Samoan	(faka)maŋa	‘gape’
Pn	Samoan	maŋa-maŋā(vae)	‘space between the toes’
Pn	Tikopia	(faka)maŋa	‘open wide, gape’
Pn	Tokelauan	maŋa	‘vagina’
Pn	Māori	maŋa	‘mouth’

PMP		*paŋaŋa[p,b]	‘gape, open the mouth wide’ (*paN- actor voice + *qaŋa[p,b])
POc		*paŋaŋap	‘open mouth wide, gape’
NNG	Mengen	paŋa	‘open mouth’
MM	Patpatar	paŋaŋa	‘open-mouthed in wonder, yawn’
MM	Ramoaaina	paŋaŋa	‘gape, open the mouth’
MM	Label	paŋaŋah	‘yawn’
MM	Nehan	paŋaŋa	‘open mouth’
MM	Halia	paŋa	‘open mouth’

5.6. Yawning⇫

A single cognate set embraces all of Oceanic and indeed all the Austronesian family. Blust (ACD) writes:

Irregular reflexes of PAn *Suab are quite common, particularly in the Oceanic languages. The cognation of such Oceanic forms as Seimat maw (where only -/w/ remains from the original stem) with Western Malayo-Polynesian forms such as Kelabit uab is clear from the fairly abundant intermediate forms that reflect PAn *ma-Suab ( > ma-huab > ma-uab > mawab).

A perfect parallel is seen in PAn *ma-Seyaq, POc *mayaq ‘shy, ashamed’. In both cases the boundary between the stative prefix *ma- and the stem has been lost in all CEMP witnesses. The only non-CEMP language in which a similar loss of morpheme boundary has taken place is Chamorro (with magap, for expected **magwap ‘yawn’). Following the reanalysis of *ma-uab as *mawab a number of CEMP languages have either introduced a new stative marker, or have reduplicated the first syllable of the new stem. It remains unclear how many of these added syllables (if any) are the result of convergent developments (ACD).

Reduplicated forms of the kind Blust refers to are shown separately below the main cognate set.

PAn		*ma-Suab, *Suab	[V] ‘yawn; (N) yawning’ (ACD)
PMP		*ma-huab	‘(V) yawn, (N) yawning’ (ACD)
PCEMP		*mawab	‘(V) yawn, (N) yawning’ (Blust 1993; ACD)
POc		*mawap	‘(V) yawn, (N) yawning’
Adm	Loniu	(yeli)maw	‘yawn’
Adm	Seimat	maw	‘yawn’
NNG	Sio	mɔwa	‘yawn’
NNG	Manam	mawa	‘yawn’
NNG	Wogeo	mʷawa	‘yawn’
PT	Molima	(lo)mʷava	‘yawn’
PT	Dobu	mʷaowa	‘yawn’
PT	Motu	mava-mava	[VI] ‘to yawn’
MM	East Kara	mauf	‘yawn’
MM	Tiang	mau	‘yawn’
MM	Nalik	mauf	‘yawn’
MM	Bilur	muiap	‘yawn’
MM	Roviana	mava	‘yawn, breathe upon’
SES	Sa’a	(ahi)mawa	‘yawn’
NCV	Mwotlap	(ɣay)mʷa	‘yawn’
NCV	Nguna	mo-moa	‘yawn’
PSV		*a-mu(y)av	‘yawn’ (Lynch 2002e)
SV	Sye	a-mʷap	‘yawn’
SV	Anejom̃	a-muya	‘yawn’
PMic		*mawa	‘yawn, be open mouthed’
Mic	Kiribati	mawa	‘out of breath through weariness’
Mic	Mortlockese	maw	‘to yawn’
Mic	Chuukese	mma-w	‘yawn’
Fij	Bauan	(lā)mawa	‘to yawn, gape’
Fij	Wayan	māwā	‘to yawn’
Pn	Samoan	māvava	‘to yawn’
Pn	Tikopia	mava	[V] ‘to yawn’; [N] ‘inhalation of deep breath’

cf. also:

MM

Tolai

mauviap

‘yawn’

PCEMP		*ma-mawab	‘to yawn’ (ACD)
POc		*ma-mawap	‘to yawn’ (ACD)
Adm	Wuvulu	ma-mawa	‘yawn’
Adm	Mussau	ma-mama	‘to yawn’
Adm	Nauna	ma-maw	‘yawn’
Adm	Penchal	ma-maw	‘yawn’
NNG	Mindiri	ma-mʷavi	‘yawn’
MM	Kandas	ma-maup	‘yawn’
MM	Simbo	ma-mava	‘to yawn’
SES	Bugotu	mao-maova	‘yawn, gape’
SES	Lau	ma-maofi	‘yawn’
NCV	Mota	ma-maova	‘to gape, yawn’
NCV	Raga	ma-maoava	‘to yawn’
NCV	Tamambo	(ɣani) mao-mao	‘yawn’ (ɣani ‘eat’; awa > ao)
PPn		*ma-mawa	‘to yawn’ (POLLEX)
Pn	Tongan	ma-mao	‘to yawn’
Pn	Niuean	ma-mao	‘to yawn’
Pn	Rennellese	ma-maba	‘to yawn’
Pn	Tahitian	mama	‘open, as the mouth’
Pn	Māori	(hā)mama	‘open, gaping, shout’
Pn	Hawaiian	(hā)mama	‘open, gape, yawn’

5.7. Coughing⇫

It is difficult to detect any difference in meaning between POc *koso, POc *pukuR/PROc *puRuk and PWOc *kuk(a,u). Rather, POc *pukuR appears to be synonymous with *koso and to have won out in the Bel group (part of North New Guinea) and in much of SE Solomonic. POc *kuk(a,u) is intriguing: few reflexes are found, but their distribution indicates a POc origin.

POc		*koso	[VI] ‘cough’
POc		*koso-ŋa	[N] ‘cough’
Adm	Drehet	ohuŋ	[N] ‘cough’
NNG	Mengen	koso	‘cough’
NNG	Medebur	koso	‘cough’
NNG	Mapos Buang	krɔq	‘cough’ (final -q irregular)
NNG	Patep	kəlɔʔ	‘cough, cold, mucus’ (final -ʔ irregular)
PT	Gapapaiwa	koso-koso	‘cough’
MM	Patpatar	kasoŋa	[VI] ‘cough’
MM	Patpatar	k⟨in⟩asoŋa	[N] ‘cough’ (⟨in⟩ NOMINALISER)
MM	Tolai	kaoŋo	[N,VI] ‘cough’
MM	Kandas	kosoŋo	‘cough’
MM	Sursurunga	kosoŋ	‘cough’
MM	Konomala	kus	‘cough’
MM	Halia	koso	‘cough, have a cold’
MM	Teop	koho	‘cough’
SES	Gela	kohu-kohu	[V] ‘cough’
MM	Roviana	kohu	‘cough’
NCV	Tamambo	ɣaso(ri)	‘cough out’

PROc *puRuk ‘cough’ is evidently a metathesised form of POc *pukuR.

POc		*pukuR	‘cough’
NNG	Bing	fu	‘cough’
NNG	Mindiri	fo-fu	‘cough’
NNG	Gedaged	fa-fu	[VI] ‘to cough’
NNG	Gedaged	fa-fu-k	[N] ‘a cough’ (-k NOMINALISER)
NNG	Takia	fu-fu	‘cough’
SES	Gela	vuɣu	[VI] ‘cough’; [N] ‘a cough, a cold’
SES	Longgu	vuʔu	[VI] ‘cough’
SES	Sa’a	huʔu	‘cough, cold in the head’
SES	To’aba’ita	fuʔu	[N] ‘cough’
SES	Kwaio	fuʔu	‘cough, influenza’
SES	Arosi	huʔu	‘to cough’
SES	Lau	fūl-ā	‘a cough, coughing’

PROc		*puRuk	‘cough’ (François 2011: POc)
PNCV		*vuru	‘cough’ (Clark 2009)
NCV	Mota	vuru	‘cough, disease causing coughing; a charm causing the disease’
NCV	Mwotlap	wuj	‘cough’
NCV	Nokuku	wur	‘cough’
NCV	Tamambo	vuru	‘cough’
NCV	Paamese	hilu	‘cough; have a cold’
NCV	Lewo	wuri	‘choke’
NCV	Port Sandwich	pü	‘cough’
NCV	Nguna	(maro)vuru	‘be short of breath’
NCV	South Efate	puk	[VI] ‘cough’
SV	Sye	na-vruɣ	[N] ‘cough’
Fij	Bauan	vū	[VI] ‘cough, cough up’

POc		*kuk(a,u)	‘cough’
Adm	Lou	kuuk	‘cough’
NNG	Mangseng	kuk	‘cough’
PT	Sinaugoro	ɣuɣa	‘cough, cold’
MM	Nakanai	kuku-e	‘cough’

The two Polynesian sets below may be historically connected.

PPn		*tale	[N,V] ‘cough’ (POLLEX)
Pn	Tongan	tale	[N,V] ‘cough’ (also tae)
Pn	West Uvea	tale	‘cough’
Pn	Samoan	tale	[N,V] ‘cough’
Pn	Tikopia	tare	[N,V] ‘cough, esp. of severe type’
Pn	Tahitian	tare	‘phlegm’
Pn	Māori	tare	[V] ‘gasp for breath’

PPn		*male	[VI] ‘cough, clear the throat’ (POLLEX)
Pn	Tongan	male-male	‘cough’
Pn	Rennellese	mage-mage	‘clear throat of hoarseness’
Pn	Samoan	male, male-male	‘cough’ (polite register)
Pn	Tikopia	mare	‘clear the throat’
Pn	Māori	mare	‘cough, phlegm’
Pn	Tahitian	mare	‘cough’
Pn	Takuu	mare	‘clear one’s throat’
Pn	Tuamotuan	mare	‘cough’
Pn	West Futunan	mare-mare	‘cough lightly’

5.8. Sniffing and blowing one’s nose⇫

Two terms are reconstructed, POc *s(i,u)r(i,u)(t) ‘sniff, blow nose’ and POc *paŋus, *paŋus-i- ‘blow one’s nose’. The latter almost certainly bears a historical relationship to PAn *Siŋus/PMP *hiŋus ‘sniff, sniffle (as with a runny nose)’ (ACD) and to the terms for ‘snot’ listed at the end of §3.8.3, but it is not clear what the (morphological) relationship is.

POc		*s(i,u)r(i,u)(t)	‘sniff, blow nose’
MM	Nakanai	sulu(mago)	‘to sniff, snuffle’ (mago ‘cold in the nose’)
MM	Kokota	siri	‘smell (s.t.)’
MM	Blablanga	siri	‘smell (s.t.)’
PNCV		*s(i,u)r(i,u), *s(i,u)r(i,u)t-i-	‘blow nose’
NCV	Ambae	suru	‘snot, mucus; have runny nose’
NCV	Nese	sirī	‘blow nose’
Fij	Wayan	suru	[V] ‘sneeze’
Fij	Wayan	surut-i	[VT] ‘sneeze at s.o.’
Fij	Bauan	suru	[V] ‘sneeze’
Fij	Bauan	surut-a	[VT] ‘sneeze at/on s.o.’

POc		*paŋus, *paŋus-i-	‘blow one’s nose’
Adm	Lou	aŋus	‘blow the nose’
Adm	Mussau	maŋusa	‘blow the nose’
NNG	Mengen	paŋus-i	‘blow (short and vigorously through nose), snort’
PMic		*f(a,o)ŋ(o,u)s-i	‘blow one’s nose’ (Bender et al., 2003)
Mic	Chuukese	foŋot-i	[VT] ‘blow one’s nose’
Mic	Mortlockese	foŋot-i	‘blow one’s nose’
Mic	Carolinian	(ɔ)foŋo-foŋ	‘blow one’s nose’
PPn		*faŋo	‘blow or speak through nose’ (POLLEX)
Pn	Tuvalu	faŋo	‘blow nose’
Pn	Hawaiian	hano	‘humming-sound, nose-flute’
Pn	Māori	ɸaŋo	‘having nasal sound’
Pn	Marquesan	hako	‘hold the nose to block it’
Pn	Tahitian	faʔo	‘speech impediment caused by inability to block off nasal passages’
Pn	Tikopia	faŋo	‘sniff, smell’
Pn	Tuamotuan	faŋo	‘nasal speech impediment, nasal obstruction’

cf. also:

Pn

Samoan

foŋi

‘blow the nose’

The set below also appears to reflect POc *paŋus but with an idiosyncratic replacement of POc *-a- by PCP *-e- and of POc *-o by PCP *-u.

PCP		*veŋu	‘blow one’s nose’
Fij	Rotuman	heŋu	‘blow one’s nose’
Fij	Bauan	venu	‘pick one’s nose’ (-n- for †-ŋ-)
PPn		*feŋu	‘blow nose, snort’ (POLLEX)
Pn	East Futunan	feŋu	‘blow nose’
Pn	Tuamotuan	heŋu-heŋu	‘sniffle as from sobbing’
Pn	Tahitian	feu	‘to snort, breathe short through the nose’
Pn	Tahitian	feʔu	‘sob’
Pn	Māori	ɸeŋu	‘snort, blow nose’

5.9. Sneezing⇫

Forms for ‘sneeze’ can be divided into two main groups:

• a western group embracing the Admiralties, Western Oceanic and SE Solomonic, reflecting putative onomatopoeic POc forms such as ?*(k)asipeŋ, POc ?*(k)asiŋe(k) or ?*(k)asio;
• an eastern group embracing Vanuatu and Micronesia, reflecting PROc *mʷat(i,u)a ‘sneeze’.

In addition there are numerous cognate sets too local in extent to be included here.

The reconstructions associated with the western group are prefixed by a question mark because (i) the data support several formally similar but distinct reconstructions; and (ii) the data contain a good many irregularities (shown in parentheses below) in relation to normal sound correspondences. Both phenomena suggest that onomatopoeia (sound symbolism) has been at work, sometimes resisting the effects of regular sound change, sometimes making otherwise arbitrary changes in forms. For example, the MM reflexes below of POc ?*(k)asipeŋ point to *(k)atipeŋ, i.e. *-s- was at some point replaced by *-t-. The Gela, Lengo and Longgu reflexes below reflect unpredicted loss of *(k)a- and Gela and Lengo reflect apparent resistance to the sound change that lenited *-s- to -h- or -ð-. In each case the innovation (or lack of one) is restricted to a small area.

POc		*(k)asipeŋ	‘sneeze’
Adm	Nyindrou	asihen	‘sneeze’
NNG	Kove	-kapuse	[V] ‘sneeze’ (consonant metathesis)
NNG	Labu	asepɛ	‘sneeze’
MM	Solos	hatineh	‘sneeze’ (h- for †∅-; -t- for †-s-; consonant metathesis)
MM	Taiof	acufiŋ	‘sneeze’ (-c- for †-s-)
MM	Tinputz	esven	‘sneeze’ (-s- for †-h-)
MM	Teop	asiveŋ	‘sneeze’ (-s- for †-h-)
SES	Gela	sipe	‘sneeze’ (loss of *(k)a-; -s- for †-h-)
SES	Lengo	sipe	‘sneeze’ (loss of *(k)a-; -s- for †-ð-)
SES	Longgu	sipe(a)	[V] ‘sneeze’ (loss of *(k)a-)
SES	Kwaio	ʔasi	‘sneeze’ (loss of final syllable)
SES	’Are’are	ʔasihe	‘sneeze’
SES	Sa’a	ʔasihe	‘sneeze’
SES	Arosi	ʔasihe	[VI] ‘sneeze’

cf. also:

MM	Nehan	siŋir	‘sneeze’
MM	Petats	ha-hacilue	‘sneeze’ (-c- for †-s-)
MM	Halia	haciŋele	‘sneeze’ (-c- for †-s-)
MM	Selau	acir	‘sneeze’ (-c- for †-s-)

If the Mussau and Titan forms below are indeed cognate with the NNG forms (the correspondences are regular), then POc ?*(k)asiŋe(k) can be tentatively reconstructed. All the NNG forms reflect -s-, the fortis reflex of POc *-s-, where a lenis reflex (in languages from Lukep to Ham either -y- or -∅-) is expected. This seems to be an instance of resistance to sound change for the sake of onomatopoeia.

POc		*(k)asiŋe(k)	‘sneeze’
Adm	Mussau	asiŋe	‘sneeze’
Adm	Titan	ásiŋ	‘sneeze’
Adm	Lou	amsi	‘sneeze’ (metathesis of *-s- and *-ŋ-; -m- for †-ŋ-)
NNG	Lukep	asina, aksina	(said when someone else sneezes to keep evil spirits at bay; metathesis of *ka-)
NNG	Kilenge	-kasine	‘sneeze’
NNG	Amara	kasŋi	‘sneeze’
NNG	Rauto	kisŋi	‘sneeze’
NNG	Aria	ginsi	‘sneeze’ (metathesis of *-s- and *-ŋ-)
NNG	Apalik	yaŋsi	‘sneeze’ (metathesis of *-s- and *-ŋ-)
NNG	Tuam	-asinek	‘sneeze’
NNG	Malai	-esnik	‘sneeze’
NNG	Dami	-eskiŋ	‘sneeze’ (metathesis of *k- and *-s-)
NNG	Manam	-kinso	‘sneeze’ (metathesis of *-s- and *-ŋ-)
NNG	Bam	(i)aksieŋ	‘sneeze’
NNG	Hote	-ik kasiŋe	‘sneeze’ (-s- for †-l-)

cf. also:

NNG	Akolet	kicim	‘sneeze’
NNG	Mangseng	(ia)ksiem	‘sneeze’
NNG	Patep	kəseb	‘sneeze’

What kind of historical relationship exists between POc ?*(k)asio below and POc ?*(k)asipeŋ and POc ?*(k)asiŋe(k) above is a matter for speculation. POc ?*(k)asio is self-evidently onomatopoeic. Again -s-, the fortis reflex of POc *-s-, is found where a lenis reflex is expected. Precisely because of its sound symbolism, it is uncertain whether the form existed in POc.

POc		*(k)asio	‘sneeze’ (ACD: *asio)
Adm	Wuvulu	atio	‘sneeze’
NNG	Kis	asio	‘sneeze’
NNG	Psohoh	kisiu	‘sneeze’
NNG	Uvol	-hsi	‘sneeze’ (-h- reflects *k-)
PT	Gumawana	-asi	‘sneeze’
PT	Molima	kasia	‘sneeze’
PT	Bwaidoga	asio	‘sneeze’
PT	Gapapaiwa	asio, gasio	‘sneeze’ (alternant forms, g- unexpected)
PT	Tawala	hadiyo	‘sneeze’ (h- for †∅-; -d- for †-h-)
PT	Sinaugoro	asio	(said when someone else sneezes; -s- for †-r-)
PT	Motu	asi(mana)	‘sneeze’ (mana ‘wind’?; -s- for †-d-)
MM	Meramera	asie	‘sneeze’
MM	Lavongai	asio(i)	‘sneeze’
MM	Torau	asi(getu)	‘sneeze’
MM	Mono-Alu	si(getu)	‘sneeze’
SES	To’aba’ita	ʔasi(la)	[VI] ‘sneeze’

The set below is also onomatopoeic, and it is open to debate whether the Meso-Melanesian and Polynesian forms reflect a single POc form or are the result of parallel independent innovations. The Nakanai forms are added because they illustrate effects of onomatopoeia. Superficially they appear to belong to this set, but Nakanai -h- reflects POc *-q-, found in none of the forms reconstructed above. Whatever their origins, the Nakanai forms must have acquired -h- through sound symbolism, not by cognacy with forms in any of the western sets presented here.

POc		*tise	‘sneeze’
MM	Roviana	tihe	‘sneeze’
MM	Kia	tihe	‘sneeze’
MM	Laghu	tihe	‘sneeze’
MM	Maringe	cihe	‘sneeze’
SES	Bugotu	acihe	‘sneeze’ (loan from Maringe)
PPn		*tise	‘sneeze’
Pn	Niuean	tihe	‘to sneeze’
Pn	Māori	tihē	‘sneeze’
Pn	Hawaiian	kihe	‘sneeze, to sneeze’
Pn	Tuamotuan	(ma)tihe	‘sneeze’

cf. also:

MM

Nakanai

[ha]tiho, atihe

‘sneeze’

The eastern group of ‘sneeze’ forms, reflecting PROc *mʷat(i,u)a ‘sneeze’, is perhaps historically related to an onomatopoeic form like those above via an earlier *mu-atia, where *mu- reflects the PMP actor-voice (intransitive) affix *⟨um⟩/*(u)m- (§1.3.5.5).

PROc		*mʷat(i,u)a	‘sneeze’ (PSOc: Lynch 2001c)
NCV	Mota	matia	‘sneeze’
NCV	Lewo	mʷorue	‘sneeze’
NCV	Nguna	mʷetu(r)	‘sneeze’
NCV	South Efate	mʷetu	‘sneeze’
SV	Lenakel	a-mʷta	‘sneeze’
SV	Kwamera	a-mʷeta	‘sneeze’
PMic		*mʷaTie	‘to sneeze’ (Bender et al., 2003)
Mic	Kiribati	mʷatie	‘to sneeze’
Mic	Marshallese	mʷacəy	‘to sneeze’
Mic	Chuukese	mʷesi	‘to sneeze’
Mic	Carolinian	mʷmʷusi	‘to sneeze’
Mic	Woleaian	mʷosiye	‘to sneeze’

cf. also:

Pn	Tongan	mafatua	‘to sneeze’
Pn	Samoan	māfatua	‘to sneeze’

6. Sleeping and waking⇫

6.1. Sleeping⇫

One POc term for sleeping is reconstructed, *[ma]turu(R) ‘sleep, be asleep’, alongside two PWOc terms, *[ma]puta ‘sleep’ and PWOc *mataip ‘be fast asleep’. PEOc *mo(q)e ‘be fast asleep’and PCP *moze ‘sleep’ are also discussed below.

POc *[ma]turu(R) (VI) ‘sleep, to be asleep’ contains the *ma- stative prefix that indicates that the subject is a human experiencer (Evans 2003:276). Only Bali and Blablanga (MM) reflect the root *tuduR alone, whilst Bola, Nakanai and Meramera (all Willaumez languages) add mata ‘eye’ to the root to form ‘sleepy’ (§4.6.2.1).

No reflexes of POc *[ma]turu(R) are found in New Guinea Oceanic (NNG, PT) languages. In these it is fairly consistently replaced by reflexes of *qenop ‘lie’ (§6.2.3), its meaning extended to include both ‘lie’ and ‘sleep. The converse meaning extension whereby a reflex of *[ma]turu(R) comes also to mean ‘lie’ is much rarer but is reflected in three New Ireland languages below: Lavongai, Tigak and Tabar.

PAn		*tuduR	‘sleep’ (Blust 1999)
PMP		*[ma]tuduR, *[ma]tiduR	‘sleep’ (Blust 1993)
POc		*[ma]turu(R)	[VI] ‘sleep, to be asleep’ (Blust 1998b: *matiruR)
Adm	Seimat	matihu	[VI] ‘sleep’
Adm	Kaniet	matu	‘sleep’
Adm	Wuvulu	maʔiku	‘sleep’
Adm	Titan	matil	‘sleep’
Adm	Lou	metir	‘sleep’
MM	Bali	turu-turu-ni	‘sleepy’
MM	Bola	(mata)tulu	‘sleepy’
MM	Harua	(makenetu)tulu	‘sleepy’
MM	Nakanai	(mata)tu-tulu	‘sleepy’
MM	Meramera	(mata)tulu-tulu	‘sleepy’
MM	Lavongai	matuŋ	‘lie’
MM	Tigak	matuk	‘lie’
MM	Tabar	mutur	‘lie’
MM	Blablanga	turu	‘sleep’
SES	Gela	maturu	‘sleep’
SES	Gela	maturu-hi	[VT]
SES	Bugotu	matur(iŋita)	‘to dream, a dream’
SES	West Guadalcanal	maturu	‘sleep’
SES	Talise	makuru	‘sleep’
SES	Longgu	mauru	‘sleep’
SES	’Are’are	mauru	‘sleep’
SES	Ulawa	mauru	‘sleep’
SES	Arosi	mauru	‘sleep’
SES	Arosi	mauru-ʔai	[VT] ‘to dream of s.t.’
SES	Bauro	mauru	‘sleep’
SES	Fagani	mauru	‘sleep’
TM	Tanema	matou	‘sleep’
NCV	Mota	maturu	‘close the eyes, have eyes shut, sleep’
NCV	Raga	maturu	‘to sleep’
NCV	Tamambo	maturu	‘sleep’
NCV	Nakanamanga	maturu	‘sleep, lie down’
NCal	Iaai	mokuṭ	‘sleep’
PMic		*maturu	‘sleep’ (Bender et. al., 2003)
Mic	Kiribati	matū	‘sleep’
Mic	Marshallese	mācir	‘sleep, asleep’
Mic	Carolinian	mayɨrɨ	‘sleep, be asleep’
Mic	Woleaian	masʉẓʉ	‘sleep’

PWOc		*mataip	‘be fast asleep’
PT	Wedau	matave	‘lie down, sleep, be asleep’
PT	Dobu	(ʔeno)mʷataya	‘sleep’ (as distinct from ‘lie’, ʔeno ‘lie down’)
PT	Iamalele	(ʔeno)mataiva	[VI] ‘(fall) asleep’
PT	Iamalele	mataiva	[ADV] ‘(sleep) soundly’
PT	Iduna	(-eno)mataiɣa	‘sleep heavily, be dead to the world’
MM	Tigak	matai	‘sleep’
MM	Tiang	mətəi	‘sleep’
MM	East Kara	matef	‘sleep’
MM	West Kara	mataif	‘sleep’
MM	Nalik	milaif	‘sleep’

How PWOc *[ma]puta differed in meaning from POc *[ma]turu(R) is not clear. Curiously, the seemingly cognate PPn verb *ma-futa meant ‘start up, arise, awake from sleep’. Whether the apparent cognacy is real—with an odd reversal of meaning—or simply a chance resemblance remains unclear.

PWOc		*[ma]puta	‘sleep’
PT	Motu	mahuta	‘sleep’
MM	Nakanai	mavuta	‘lie down, sleep’
MM	Meramera	mavuta	‘lie down, sleep’
MM	Lungga	puta	‘sleep’
MM	Nduke	puta	‘sleep’
MM	Roviana	puta	‘sleep’
MM	Hoava	puta	‘sleep’
MM	Laghu	puta(i)	‘sleep’
NCal	Iaai	möök	‘sleep’

The two reconstructions below, PEOc *mo(q)e ‘be fast asleep’ and PCP *moze ‘sleep’, are similar in form, but cannot be united. If the reflexes of PEOc *mo(q)e are cognate with those of PCP *moze, then the former have undergone unexpected loss of PEOc *-s-.

PEOc		*mo(q)e	‘be fast asleep’
SES	Arosi	moe	‘stay, sleep with s.o.’
PMic		*mʷoe	[VI] ‘sleep soundly’ (Bender et al., 2003: ‘sleep’)
Mic	Kiribati	mʷē	‘sleep’
Mic	Mortlockese	(kina)mʷmʷe	‘sleep’
Mic	Puluwatese	(kəna)mʷmʷe	‘be at peace, comfortable’
Mic	Carolinian	(xɨla)mʷmʷey	‘be sleeping deeply’ (xɨla ‘reach, attain’)
Mic	Woleaian	mʷmʷe	‘sleep well, sleep soundly’

PCP		*moze	[N, VI] ‘sleep’ (Geraghty 1983: 136)
Fij	Rotuman	mose	‘sleep’
Fij	Bauan	moðe	[N,V] ‘sleep’
Fij	Bauan	moðe-ra	[VT] ‘sleep on s.t.’
PPn		*mohe	[N, VI] ‘sleep’ (POLLEX)
Pn	Niuean	mohe	‘sleep’
Pn	Tongan	mohe	‘sleep, be asleep; to anchor for the night’
Pn	Rennellese	moe	‘sleep, lie down, go to bed, dream, have sexual relations’
Pn	Samoan	moe	[N,V] ‘sleep’; [V] ‘have sexual intercourse’
Pn	Tikopia	moe	‘lie down, sleep’
Pn	Tahitian	moe	‘sleep’
Pn	Hawaiian	moe	‘sleep, lie down, prostrate oneself as before a chief; sit on eggs’
Pn	Māori	moe	[N,V] ‘sleep’

6.2. Being tired⇫

A number of languages distinguish between ‘sleepy’ (‘eye tired’) and ‘weary’ or ‘exhausted’ (‘body tired’) through the use of body-part metaphors.

Adm	Seimat	pula lihian	[his.eye tired]	‘sleepy’
Adm	Seimat	tinu nohan	[his.skin tired]	‘exhausted, weary’
PT	Kilivila	imama mati-la	[tired eye-his]	‘he is weary’
PT	Kilivila	imama nona	[tired mind]	‘he is mentally exhausted’
PT	Kilivila	imama wou-la	[tired body-his]	‘he is utterly weary’

6.2.1. Being sleepy⇫

In widely distributed Oceanic languages the idiomatic way of saying ‘I am sleepy’ is a phrase meaning ‘my eyes are sleeping’. In the examples below, the reflex of POc *mata- ‘eye’ is shown with a following hyphen because it takes a possessor suffix (reflecting *-gu ‘my’, *-mu ‘your.S’, *-ña ‘her/his’ etc). The verb in each case is glossed ‘sleep’.

NNG	Mangap	mata- pot	‘be sleepy, slacken, abate, wane’
PT	Gumawana	mata- i-masisi	‘be sleepy’
MM	Nehan	mata- hohou	‘be sleepy’

In a number of languages the phrasal expression has evolved into a compound.

PT	Misima	mata-kenukenu	‘sleepiness’
MM	Bola	mata-tulu	‘sleepy’
MM	Nakanai	mata-tu-tulu	‘sleepy’
MM	Meramera	mata-tulu-tulu	‘sleepy’
SES	’Are’are	ma-mauru	‘sleepy’ (for †mā-mauru)
SES	Arosi	ma-mauruʔa	‘sleepy’ (for †mā-mauruʔa)
NCV	South Efate	met-matur	‘sleepy’

In yet other languages a different verb is used with ‘eye’, either in a phrase or a compound. The meaning of that verb follows these examples.

PT	Tawala	mata-pota	[eye-shut]	‘sleepy’
PT	Motu	mata ɣara	[eye burn]	‘sleepy’
SES	Kwaio	mā- e olo-olo	[eye- it roll.around]	‘sleepy’
NCV	Mota	mata-maraɣai	[eye-quiver]	‘sleepy’
NCV	Lewo	mara- kawa	[eye- ache]	‘sleepy’

And in other languages the meaning of the verb is not given independently in the dictionary. In some languages it is glossed ‘sleepy’, suggesting that an earlier independent meaning may have been lost.

Adm	Drehet	mata- i-mʷili	‘sleepy’
NNG	Takia	mala- i-of	‘sleepy’
PT	Iamalele	mata- i-duduna	‘sleepy’
PT	Iduna	mata- i-lowona	‘sleepy’
PT	Tawala	lu-mata-dudu	‘sleepy’ (lu- VERBALISER)
MM	Ramoaaina	mata- i tutuaiə	‘sleepy’
SES	To’aba’ita	mā- e mōmoʔosula	‘sleepy’
SES	’Are’are	mā- kukurua	‘sleepy’
SES	Lau	māa-liŋai	‘sleepy’
NCV	Paamese	mete- muloŋ	‘sleepy’

A number of languages use a phrase meaning ‘wants to sleep’ for ‘sleepy’. Arosi has a desiderative prefix gasi that can be used before any verb, hence gasi mauru ‘sleepy’ [want sleep]. Some Central Pacific languages do the same thing with a reflex of the desiderative particle *via (§11.5) and a term for ‘sleep’ (cf. ‘wants to eat’ for ‘hungry’ and ‘wants to drink’ for ‘thirsty’; §§4.3.3.1–2).

PCP		*via moze	‘sleepy’ (lit. ‘want sleep’)
Fij	Bauan	via moðe	[VI] ‘sleepy’
Pn	Tongan	fie mohe-a	[VI] ‘be sleepy’
Pn	Marquesan	hia moe	‘sleepy’

cf. also:

Fij

Wayan

mata-moðe

‘be sleepy’ (mata- ‘want’)

6.2.2. Being weary, exhausted⇫

Oceanic languages commonly have different terms to express different kinds of bodily tiredness, e.g. ‘weak’, ‘fatigued’, ‘exhausted’. The Tolai and Bugotu dictionaries, for instance, each list five terms with general meaning ‘tired, weary’. Body part metaphors also make fine distinctions in meaning, e.g.

NNG	Yabem	ʊli popoʔ	[his.body shattered]	‘he is exhausted, worn out (after hard work)’
NNG	Yabem	ʊli kɪtuŋ	[his.- body burns]	‘his body aches, is worn out, exhausted’

POc, PCP and PPn terms are reconstructed.

POc *malu[malumu] ‘weak, tired’ is a partial reduplication of POc *[ma]lumu ‘soft, gentle, easy’ (vol.2:215). The Polynesian reflexes show irregular loss of *-m-.

POc		*malu[-malumu]	‘weak, tired’
MM	Ramoaaina	malu-malum	‘weak, faint, sick’
MM	Tolai	[mal-]malu	‘weak, tired, of a part of the body’
MM	Patpatar	mal-malu(ŋo)	‘tired from working; lazy’
Fij	Bauan	malu-malumu	‘weak, faint, sick, soft’
Pn	Tongan	molū	‘soft, tender, flexible’
Pn	Niuean	molū	‘soft, weak, humble’
Pn	Pukapukan	malū	‘weak, gentle’
Pn	Tikopia	malūlū	‘weary; soft, weak, flabby’ (-l- for †-r-)

cf. also:

SES	Arosi	marō	‘weary, bodily tired’
NCV	Mota	male	‘weak’47
NCV	Namakir	molo-mal	‘lazy’

PCP *wai-wai ‘weak, tired’ is apparently a reduplicated reflex of POc *waiR ‘river, fresh water, stream’ (§1.3.5.4). The gloss of Wayan wai-ðala ‘be weak (of kava etc), diluted, melt, dissolve’ points to the connection between water and weakness.

PCP		*wai-wai	‘weak, tired’
Fij	Rotuman	vai-vai	‘flexible, easily bent’
PPn		*wai-wai	‘weak, lacking strength’ (POLLEX)
Pn	Tongan	vaivaia	[VI] ‘feel weak’
Pn	Samoan	vāivai	‘be weak; be tired; be timid, faint-hearted; watery (of a mix); faint, of colours’
Pn	Tokelauan	vāivai	‘tiredness, weariness, exhaustion’

PPn *fītaqa ‘be tired, fatigued’ evidently reflects POc *pita ‘heavy, difficult’, reconstructed below, with the addition of an apparent suffix *-qa (which may reflect the POc adjectivaliser *-ka; Ross 2000).

PPn		*fītaqa	‘be tired, fatigued’ (POLLEX)
Pn	Niuean	(faka)fitā	‘become weary’
Pn	Tongan	(fite)fitaʔa	‘to labour, toil’
Pn	East Futunan	fitaʔa	‘fatigued, harassed, tired’
Pn	Samoan	fītā	‘strenuous, difficult’
Pn	Tikopia	fita	‘sated, fed up’

cf. also:

	POc	*pita	‘heavy, difficult’
PT	Iduna	vita-	‘heavy, hard to do’
PT	Dawawa	vita	‘heavy’
PT	Tawala	wita(i)	‘heavy, difficult’
SES	Ulawa	hiʔa	‘be heavy’ (for †*hia)
Pn	Māori	hia	‘difficulty’ (for †*hita)

6.3. Dreaming⇫

The two POc forms *nipi and *mipi, both ‘dream’, reflect fossilised combinations of a reflex of the PMP root *hipi ‘dream’ and the PMP voice affixes *⟨in⟩ and *⟨um⟩ (§1.3.5.5). The fact that both forms are reflected, interspersed with one another across a substantial part of Oceania, indicates that the two forms co-existed in POc.

PMP		*h-in-ipi	‘a dream; was dreamt by’ (ACD)
POc		*nipi	‘to dream, have a dream’ (Ross 1988)
Adm	Nali	nihi-nih	‘dream’
Adm	Leipon	ni-nih	‘dream’
NNG	Numbami	ni-niwi	‘dream’
NNG	Kaiep	(a)niu	‘have a dream’
PT	Motu	nihi	[N,V] ‘dream’
PT	Mekeo	nipi	‘dream’
PT	Roro	nibi	‘dream’
PT	Molima	nivi	‘dream’
MM	Vitu	(maŋi)nuvi	‘have a dream’
MM	Bali	(moŋe)ni-nipi	‘have a dream’
NCal	Nêlêmwa	nivi-t	[N] ‘dream’

PMP		*h-um-ipi	‘to dream’ (ACD)
POc		*mipi	[VI] ‘to dream, have a dream’ (Ross 1988)
Adm	Wuvulu	mevi	‘dream’
Adm	Drehet	im-mi	‘dream’
Adm	Hus	mihi-mih	‘dream’
Adm	Kurti	mihi-mih	‘dream’
Adm	Ponam	mif	‘to dream’
Adm	Lou	mɛp-mɛp	‘to dream’
NNG	Mangap	(i)miu	‘have a dream’
NNG	Lukep	(i)mi	‘have a dream’
NNG	Malasanga	(i)mi	‘have a dream’
NNG	Roinji	mip	‘have a dream’
NNG	Kairiru	miu	‘have a dream’
MM	Tigak	mi-mi	‘have a dream’
MM	East Kara	mif	‘have a dream’
MM	West Kara	mif	‘have a dream’
MM	Tiang	me-me	‘have a dream’
MM	Halia	mehe	‘have a dream’
MM	Maringe	mifi	‘have a dream’
MM	Sursurunga	mih	‘have a dream’
Mic	Kiribati	mi	[N,V] ‘dream’
Mic	Nauruan	mi	‘dream’

cf. also:

NNG	Gitua	vivi	‘have a dream’
MM	Nalik	mirif	‘have a dream’

The next set is almost in complementary geographic distribution to the *nipi/*mipi sets.

POc		*(b,bʷ)o(l,R)e	‘to dream’ (Geraghty 1990: boRe; Lynch 2002e: PEOc bʷoRe)
MM	Tabar	(para)bore	‘have a dream’
SES	Lengo	bole	‘dream’
SES	Lau	(teo)bole	‘to dream’ (teo ‘sleep’)
SES	Lau	(teo)bolea	‘a dream’
SES	Kwaio	bole	‘dream’
SES	’Are’are	(maʔasu) pore	‘to dream’ (maʔasu ‘sleep’)
SES	’Are’are	(maʔasu) poreha	[N] ‘a dream’
SES	Sa’a	(maʔahu) pʷole	‘to dream’ (maʔahu ‘sleep’)
SES	Arosi	bʷore	‘dream’
SES	To’aba’ita	(bīŋa)bole	[VI] ‘dream’ (bīŋa ‘sleep’)
PNCV		*bore	[N,V] ‘dream’ (Clark 2009)
NCV	Mota	bʷore	‘to dream, dream of person or thing’
NCV	Paamese	poi	‘dream’
NCV	Namakir	bor	‘dream’
NCal	Iaai	bʷi	‘dream’
Fij	Wayan	bū-bui	‘dream’

The next reconstruction is an apparent homonym of POc *tadra(q) ‘look, look up’ (§8.2).

POc		*tadra(q)	‘have a dream’
NNG	Sera	tar-tar	‘have a dream’
MM	Meramera	tada	‘to dream’
MM	Nakanai	tada	‘to dream’
MM	Taiof	tora	‘have a dream’
MM	Mono	(tan)tatara	‘have a dream’
Mic	Kiribati	(mi)tara	[V] ‘to dream, to muse’; [N] ‘vision while dozing’
Fij	Bauan	tadra	‘to dream’

6.4. Waking up and opening the eyes⇫

The POc transitive verb *paŋun ‘wake (s.o.) up’ is of PAn antiquity and has reflexes throughout Oceanic.

PAn		*baŋuL	[VI] ‘wake up, get out of bed’ (ACD)
PMP		*baŋun	[VT] ‘wake (s.o.) up, rouse (s.o.) from sleep’ (ACD)
POc		*paŋun	[VT] ‘wake (s.o.) up’ (ACD)
NNG	Sio	paño	‘wake s.o. up’
NNG	Gitua	va-vaŋo	‘wake s.o. up’
NNG	Mengen	paŋoe	‘awaken’
NNG	Manam	aŋun	‘wake up, bring to life’
NNG	Numbami	wanuŋu	[VT] ‘arouse, start, awaken’
PT	Iduna	-lu-vaɣuna	‘wake s.o. up’
PT	Sinaugoro	vaɣo	[VT] ‘wake s.o. up’
PT	Motu	hao-	‘to awaken, to arouse’
PT	Kilivila	vagul-i	[VT] ‘wake up’
PT	Dobu	(lo)wano-wano	[VT] ‘waken’
PT	Suau	hano-	‘waken’
PT	Bunama	hano	‘awaken’
MM	Harua	(tari)vaŋo	‘breathe’
MM	Nakanai	palo	‘wake (s.o.) up’
MM	Ramoaaina	ta-waaŋun	[VI] ‘be awake’
MM	Ramoaaina	waaŋun	[VT] ‘wake s.o. up’
MM	Patpatar	haŋun	[VT] ‘wake s.o. up’
MM	Patpatar	ta-ŋahun	[VI] ‘awaken’ (metathesis)
MM	Roviana	vaŋunu	‘awake’
MM	Simbo	vaŋun-i-	‘wake (s.o.) up’
MM	Tolai	ta-vaŋun	‘(s.o.) wake up’
MM	Tolai	vaŋon(i)	‘wake up (s.o.)’
NCV	Mota	va-vaŋo	‘awaken’
PMic		*faŋu-ni	‘awakened, awaken’ (Bender et al., 2003)
Mic	Chuukese	fəŋɨ-fəŋ	‘arouse from sleep, wake s.o. up’
Mic	Satawalese	faŋɨ-i	‘awaken (s.o.)’
Mic	Woleaian	faŋʉ	[VI] ‘be wakened, aroused’
Mic	Woleaian	føŋʉ-ni	‘rouse (s.o.), wake s.o. up’
PPn		*fafaŋu	‘awaken s.o.’ (POLLEX)
Pn	Tongan	fa-faŋu	[VT] ‘to awaken, rouse from sleep’; [VI] ‘call out in order to awaken s.o.’
Pn	Tongan	faŋun-a	[VI] ‘to be awakened by s.t. (esp. a smell)’
Pn	Niuean	fa-faŋu	[VT] ‘awaken s.o.’
Pn	Samoan	fa-faŋu	[VT] ‘waken s.o., arouse’
Pn	Samoan	fāŋu-a	[VI] ‘be awakened, awake’
Pn	Pukapukan	wa-waŋu	‘to awake, arouse’
Pn	Tikopia	fa-faŋo	‘waken s.o.’
Pn	Tokelauan	fa-faŋu	‘awaken s.o.’
Pn	Kapingamarangi	hāŋo-no	‘wake up (s.o.)’
Pn	Nukuoro	hā-hāŋo	‘wake up (s.o.) instantly’

A Proto Central Pacific intransitive verb, *qadra ‘awaken, be awake’, is reconstructable, but no POc intransitive verb with this sense has been identified. The reason seems to be that an expression meaning ‘open the eyes’ is used in many languages for ‘wake up’.

PCP		*qadra	[VI] ‘awaken, be awake’
PCP		*qadrav-i-	[VT] ‘keep watch over’
Fij	Bauan	yadra	[VI] ‘open the eyes, wake up’
Fij	Bauan	yadrav-a	[VT] ‘watch for’
Fij	Wayan	adra	[VI] ‘wake up’
Fij	Wayan	adravi-	[VT] ‘stand watch over s.t.’
PPn		*qara	[VI] ‘wake up, (be) awake’ (POLLEX)
Pn	Tongan	ʔā	‘awake’
Pn	Tongan	ʔā-fia	‘keep watch over (a corpse) at night’
Pn	Samoan	ala	‘be awake’
Pn	Rennellese	ʔaga	‘wake up, stay awake, be awake’
Pn	Tikopia	āra	‘waken’
Pn	Tahitian	ara	‘awake’
Pn	Takuu	ara	‘be awake’
Pn	East Futunan	ʔala	‘(be) awake’
Pn	Hawaiian	ala	‘awake’

cf. also:

Pn

Niuean

ala

[VI] ‘to wake, be awake’ (loan from a Nuclear Polynesian language)

If Lau ada ‘open the eyes, use the eyes’ belonged to this set, *(q)adra could be reconstructed to PEOc. However, the regular Lau reflex of *(q)adra would be sada with prothetic s- following loss of *q-, and Lau ada appears instead to be a regular reflex of POc *tadraq ‘look up, see’ (§8.2)).

Polynesian languages use reflexes of POc *Ropok ‘fly’ (§6.3.2.1; vol.4:281) to describe the event that occurs when one is suddenly surprised or woken.

POc		*Ropok	‘to fly, jump’ (see vol.4:281)
PPn		*ofo	‘be startled, surprised; wake up’ (POLLEX)
Pn	Tongan	ofo	[VI] ‘be surprised’; ‘wake up’ (honorific)
Pn	Niuean	ofo	‘to surprise, cause surprise, be surprised’
Pn	East Futunan	ofo	‘wake up’
Pn	Samoan	ofo	[VSt] ‘be surprised’
Pn	Tikopia	ofo	‘spring up, appear’
Pn	Tuamotuan	oho	‘wake up, be surprised’
Pn	Māori	oho	‘wake up, be surprised’

PMP *bilat ‘open the eyes’ has only one known reflex in Oceanic.

PMP		*bilat	‘open the eyes’ (ACD)
POc		*bilat	‘open the eyes’ (ACD has *pilat)
SES	’Are’are	pira	‘open one’s eyes wide’

6.5. Blinking and closing the eyes⇫

This section is concerned with the momentary action of closing and then opening the eye(s) as in winking or blinking, rather than the initial stage of going to sleep. There is a PMP etymon *kimet, whose Oceanic reflexes are evidently restricted to Central Pacific languages.

PMP		*kimet	‘blink, flash’ (Blust 1986)
POc		*kimo	‘blink, wink’
POc		*kimo-kimo	‘keep blinking or winking’
Fij	Bauan	kimo-mo	‘blink in bright light’
Fij	Wayan	kimo-mo	‘(eyes) be half-closed’
Fij	Wayan	kimo-kimo	‘(eyes) blink constantly, (flame) flicker’
Pn	Tongan	kemo	[VI] ‘wink, blink’
Pn	Tongan	kemo-kemo	[VI] ‘keep winking or blinking’
Pn	Niuean	kemo	‘blink’
Pn	Pukapukan	ke-kemo	‘close the eyes’
Pn	Pukapukan	kemo-kemo	‘close (eyes), flicker (flame), wink, blink’
Pn	Samoan	ʔemo	‘(eye) blink, (lightning) flash’
Pn	Tikopia	kemo	‘wink, twinkle, blink’
Pn	Anutan	kemo	‘close one’s eyes’

cf. also:

Fij

Rotuman

kemo

‘blink’ (Polynesian loan)

PSOc		*bʷil(i,u)	‘close eyes’ (Lynch 2004)
NCV	Tamambo	buelu-buelu	‘close eyes’
NCV	Uripiv	-pʷil	‘shut eye, blink’
NCV	Lonwolwol	bʷil	‘close eyes’
NCV	Nakanamanga	pʷili	‘close eyes’
NCV	Lewo	pʷelu	‘close eyes’
SV	Lenakel	a-pul	‘close eyes, sleep’
SV	Kwamera	a-pri	‘sleep, close eyes, wink, blink’

7. Physical responses to emotion, pain or cold⇫

7.1. Laughing⇫

POc *malip ‘laugh’ has reflexes spread across several major Oceanic subgroups.

PCEMP		*malip	‘laugh’ (Blust 1993; ACD)
POc		*malip	‘laugh’ (ACD)
Adm	Seimat	mal	[VI] ‘laugh’
Adm	Seimat	malini	[VT] ‘laugh at’
NNG	Tami	(ma)mal	‘laugh’
NNG	Barim	(i)mal	‘laugh’
NNG	Lukep	mali(ai)	‘laugh’
NNG	Malasanga	(i)mal	‘laugh’
NNG	Singorakai	man	‘laugh’
NNG	Medebur	(ma)mal(to)	‘laugh’
NNG	Kis	(a)mal	‘laugh’
NNG	Kaiep	(i-ma)mal	‘laugh’
NNG	Hote	malik	‘laugh’ (-k from POc *-p is regular)
NNG	Yalu	mʷaip	‘laugh’
PT	Tawala	maliwa	‘laugh’
MM	Label	malih	‘laugh’
Mic	Woleaian	mmali	‘laugh, smile, grin’
Mic	Puluwatese	mel	‘laugh, giggle a little, smile’
PCP		*mali	‘laugh, smile, grin’
PCP		*mali-mali	‘keep laughing’
Fij	Wayan	mali	[VI] ‘laugh, smile, grin’
Fij	Wayan	mali-mali	‘keep laughing’
Fij	Wayan	mali-ðakini-	[VT] ‘laugh at’
Pn	Tongan	mali-mali	‘smile’
Pn	East Futunan	mali-mali	‘smile, laugh quietly’

PEOc *mana below is evidently not a reflex of POc *malip.

PEOc		*mana	‘laugh’ (Clark 2009: PNCV)
SES	Arosi	mana	‘laugh’
SES	Fagani	mana	‘laugh’
SES	Bauro	mana	‘laugh’
SES	Kahua	ma-mana	‘laugh’
NCV	Nokuku	mana	‘laugh’
NCV	Tamambo	mana	‘laugh’
NCV	Raga	mana	‘laugh, smile’
NCV	Uripiv	-men	‘laugh’
NCV	West Ambrym	man	‘laugh’

7.2. Grinning⇫

Grinning is closely associated in Oceanic languages with baring the teeth, and in a number of languages the term for ‘tooth’ is derived from the term for ‘grin’. POc *sisi, *ŋiŋi and *ŋisi each have a PMP antecedent. The history of POc *[ŋi]ŋisa is discussed below.

Oceanic languages often appear to lack a dedicated verb for smiling. Instead, verbs for ‘laugh’ or ‘grin’ are sometimes additionally glossed ‘smile’.

PMP		*ziziq, *zizir	‘grin, show the teeth’ (ACD)
POc		*sisi	‘smile, show one’s teeth, bare one’s teeth’
NNG	Gedaged	sisi	‘draw up (the lips, as when smiling)’
NNG	Manam	(ao)sisi	‘to smile, of long duration’ (ao ‘smile, laugh’, sisi ‘skin the bark off a tree’)
NNG	Mato	(ma)sisi	‘laugh’
SES	Tolo	sisi(la)	‘smile; show one’s teeth’
SES	Sa’a	sisi	‘roll back, grin like a dog, lay bare the teeth’
SES	Arosi	sisi	‘lay bare the teeth, as a dog, grinning’
NCV	Mota	sis	‘remove rind or bark; strip off outer part’
Fij	Bauan	(vaka)sisi(bati)	‘smile, show the teeth’ (bati ‘tooth’)

Blust (ACD) reconstructs both PWMP *ŋiŋi ‘grin, show the teeth’ and PMP *ŋisi ‘grin, show the teeth’. PMP *ŋiŋi and *ŋisi are evidently the antecedents of POc *ŋiŋi and *ŋisi below. The data also require the reconstruction of POc *[ŋi]ŋisa. Any attempt to combine any two of the three sets fails, as we are compelled to posit irregular developments, and the existence of non- Oceanic cognates of both POc *ŋiŋi and POc *ŋisi confirms that both should be reconstructed. The presence of three formally similar POc terms with the same meaning may appear suspect, but the evidence requires their reconstruction, even though their reflexes have perhaps been conflated in some languages. Some reflexes could be attributed to more than one set, and we have made attributions as best we can on the basis of phonology and glosses.

The meaning ‘tooth’ could also be attributed to each of these reconstructions, but as there were other POc terms for teeth (§3.4.12.5) that do not include the sense ‘bare the teeth’, ‘tooth’ may be a secondary meaning that has arisen independently in various daughter-languages.

PMP		*ŋiŋi	‘grin, show the teeth’ (ACD: PWMP)
POc		*ŋiŋi	‘bare one’s teeth, grin’
NNG	Kove	ŋiŋi	‘laugh’
NNG	Gitua	ŋiŋ	‘laugh’
NNG	Kilenge	ŋiŋ	‘laugh’
NNG	Mengen	ŋiŋi-	‘tooth’
PT	Motu	ɣiɣi	‘snarl’
PT	Sudest	ŋiŋi-	‘teeth’

cf. also:

Mic	Ponapean	ŋī-	‘tooth’
Mic	Carolinian	ŋī-	‘tooth’
Mic	Woleaian	ŋi-	‘tooth’

PMP		*ŋisi	‘grin, show the teeth’ (Blust 1972, ACD)
POc		*ŋisi	‘bare one’s teeth, grin’
Adm	Tenis	ŋisi-	‘tooth’
Adm	Seimat	ŋis	‘tooth’
NNG	Sengseng	ŋi-	‘tooth’
PT	Tawala	ŋis	‘show teeth’
MM	Vitu	ŋiði	‘show one’s teeth, smile’
MM	Barok	ŋisi-	‘tooth’
MM	Sursurunga	ŋis	‘show teeth’
MM	Roviana	ŋi-ŋisi	‘grin’
MM	Kia	ŋi-ñihi-	‘show teeth’
Mic	Kosraean	[ŋis]ŋis	‘laugh, guffaw’ (Bender et al. 2003: < PMic _*ŋiTi_)

POc		*[ŋi]ŋisa	‘bare one’s teeth, grin’
PT	Tawala	gigiha	‘bare teeth in anger’
MM	Lavongai	ŋisa-	‘tooth’
MM	Tigak	ŋisa-	‘tooth’
MM	Tabar	ŋiŋica	‘laugh’
MM	Sursurunga	ŋisa-	‘tooth’
MM	Patpatar	ŋise	‘show teeth’
MM	Patpatar	ŋise-	‘teeth’
MM	Tangga	ŋisa-	‘tooth; mouth’
MM	Madak	ŋisa-	‘tooth’
MM	Tolai	ŋie-	‘mouth’
MM	Label	ŋis	‘tooth’
MM	Siar	ŋise-	‘tooth’
MM	Siar	(kabin)ŋise-	‘molar tooth’
SES	Arosi	ŋi-ŋita	‘show the teeth, snarl’
NCV	Mota	ŋi-ŋisa	‘grin’
NCV	Raga	ŋi-ŋiha	‘smile’
NCV	Uripiv	-ŋis	‘grin, smile’
SV	Lenakel	n-iŋhə	‘gums; smile’
SV	Kwamera	n-iŋaha	‘gums; smile’
Pn	Tikopia	ŋisa	[N] ‘smile’
Pn	Tikopia	ŋisa-ŋisa	[V] ‘smile’

cf. also:

PT	Motu	ise-	‘tooth’ (s for †d)
PT	Mekeo	nie-	‘tooth’

7.3. Weeping and crying⇫

Two sets of POc terms are reconstructed for ‘cry, weep’:

• *taŋis (VI) ‘cry, lament etc.’, *tanis-i- (VT) ‘to cry for (s.t.’), *tanis-aki[ni]- ‘cry because of s.t.’
• *ŋara(s) (VI) ‘cry’, (VT) *ŋaras-i- ‘cry for (s.t.)’

POc *taŋis appears to have been the default term. The glosses of both cognate sets suggest that their primary meaning had to do with the sound of crying rather than the shedding of tears, and the glosses of reflexes of POc *ŋara(s) suggest that it denoted weeping accompanied by very loud crying.

PAn		*Caŋis	‘to cry’ (Blust 1999)
PMP		*taŋis	‘to cry’
POc		*taŋis	[VI] ‘cry, lament; (of animals) make sound; (of musical instruments) sound’
POc		*tanis-i-	[VT] ‘to cry for s.t.’
POc		*tanis-aki[ni]-	‘cry because of s.t.’
Adm	Seimat	taŋi	[VI] ‘cry, lament (used of any sound made by any animal)’
Adm	Lou	teŋ	‘cry, weep’
Adm	Titan	taŋ	‘weep, cry (of a child, cat or bird)’
NNG	Kove	-taŋi	‘weep, cry’
NNG	Gitua	-taŋ	‘weep, cry’
NNG	Lukep	-taŋ	‘weep, cry’
NNG	Wab	taŋ	‘cry, weep’
NNG	Manam	taŋ	‘cry, weep’
NNG	Manam	taŋr-i	[VT] ‘to cry for s.o., mourn s.o.’
NNG	Kilenge	-taŋ	‘weep, cry’
NNG	Amara	-taŋ	‘weep, cry’
NNG	Mangseng	-taŋ	‘weep, cry’
NNG	Mengen	tani	‘weep, cry’
NNG	Uvol	tan-taniŋ	‘songs with sad themes and tunes. Story songs’
NNG	Numbami	taŋi	‘weep, cry, sing, sound’
PT	Gumawana	taiya	‘weep, cry’
PT	Iduna	taɣa	‘weep, cry’
PT	Sinaugoro	taɣi	‘weep, cry’
PT	Motu	tai	[VI] ‘to cry, howl (of dogs)’
MM	Bola	taŋi	‘weep, cry’
MM	Nakanai	tali	‘weep, cry’
MM	East Kara	taŋis	‘weep, cry’
MM	Tabar	taŋi	‘weep, cry’
MM	Kandas	taŋis	‘weep, cry’
MM	Minigir	taŋis-i	[VT] ‘cry’
MM	Tolai	taŋi	‘cry, weep, wail, make a noise as of water shaken in a bottle; to sing of birds and musical instruments; (N) sound’
MM	Taiof	taŋis	‘weep, cry’
MM	Banoni	tanis-i	‘musical function of crying; laments’ (Stella)
SES	Bugotu	taŋi	‘cry, cry aloud, lament, wail’
SES	Gela	taŋi	‘make a sound; cry’
SES	Gela	taŋih-i	[VT] ‘cry for s.t., s.o.’
SES	Lau	āŋi	‘cry; produce a sound, eg bird, trumpet, thunder’
SES	To’aba’ita	aŋi	[VI] ‘cry, produce its characteristic sound’ (also of musical instruments)
SES	To’aba’ita	aŋisi	[VT] ‘cry for s.t., s.o.’
SES	Arosi	aŋi	‘to cry, sound (almost any sound, bell, bird, swish of water etc)’
SES	Arosi	aŋis-i	[VT] ‘cry for s.t., s.o.’
SES	Arosi	aŋit-aʔi	‘cry out at, wonder at s.t.’
NCV	Mota	taŋi	‘weep, cry, with ref. to both tears and sounds; cry of birds, animals; sound of musical instruments’
NCV	Mota	taŋis	‘cry for’
NCV	Tamambo	taŋis-i	‘cry for, mourn’
NCV	Uripiv	-tiŋ	‘cry, weep’
NCV	Nguna	taŋis-i	‘cry for, mourn’
SV	Sye	toŋi	‘cry for’
NCal	Iaai	teŋe	‘cry’
PMic		*taŋi	‘cry, weep’
PMic		*taŋiSi-	‘cry, weep for s.o./s.t.’ (Bender et al. 2003)
Mic	Kiribati	taŋ, taŋi-taŋ	‘cry’
Mic	Kiribati	taŋir-a	‘desire, cry for (s.t.)’
Mic	Kosraean	tʌŋ	‘cry’
Mic	Kosraean	tʌŋi	‘be sorry for’
Mic	Marshallese	caŋ	‘cry’
Mic	Marshallese	caŋi-t	‘cry for (s.o.)’
Mic	Carolinian	sæŋ, sæŋi-sæŋ	‘cry’
Mic	Carolinian	sæŋit-i	‘cry at (s.o.)’
Fij	Bauan	taŋi	‘give out sound; of humans, to cry, weep, lament, of animals, to cry, mew, crow etc’
Fij	Bauan	taŋi-ða	[VT] ‘cry for s.t.’
Fij	Bauan	taŋi-ðaka	[VT] ‘cry on account of, lament the dead’
Pn	Tongan	taŋi	‘cry, weep, (of animals) make a characteristic sound’
Pn	Tongan	teŋi-hi-a	[VT] ‘weep for s.t.’
Pn	Pukapukan	taŋi	‘a death chant; lament’
Pn	Pukapukan	taŋi-taŋi	‘a boasting chant’
Pn	Samoan	taŋi	‘cry, weep, make a characteristic noise’
Pn	Samoan	tāŋi-si-a	[VT] ‘cry over s.t.’
Pn	Samoan	taŋi-saʔi	[VT] ‘miss s.o.’
Pn	Rarotongan	taŋi	‘any noise or sound, but especially of weeping’
Pn	Tikopia	taŋi	‘cry, wail, sing mourning song’
Pn	Tikopia	taŋi-si-a	[VT] ‘cry for s.o. or s.t.’
Pn	Tikopia	taŋi-saki	[VT] ‘wail over s.o., formally, as at a funeral’
Pn	Hawaiian	kani	‘cry out, sound’

POc		*ŋara(s)	‘cry loudly’
POc		*ŋaras-i-	‘cry loudly for’ (ACD: *ŋara ‘complain loudly’)
Adm	Mussau	ŋala	‘cry’
MM	Sursurunga	ŋə-ŋə-ŋar	‘cry out in pain (of childbirth)’
MM	Sursurunga	ŋə-ŋra-i	‘anguish; cry out in distress’
MM	Konomala	naŋə	‘cry’
MM	Tolai	ŋa-ŋara	‘cry, scream, squeal, as a pig’
MM	Solos	ŋa	‘cry’
MM	Petats	ŋal	‘cry’
MM	Halia	ŋala	‘cry’
MM	Selau	ŋara	‘cry’
SES	Bugotu	ŋara	‘rail, shout at, threaten’
SES	Gela	ŋa-ŋarah-a	‘cry loudly’
SES	Talise	ŋara	‘cry’
SES	Birao	ŋara	‘cry’
SES	’Are’are	nara	‘cry’
SES	Oroha	nara	‘cry’
SES	Arosi	ŋara	‘cry’
SES	Arosi	ŋaras-i	‘cry for’
SES	Sa’a	ŋara	‘cry’
NCV	Mota	ŋara	‘cry’
NCV	Raga	ŋara-i	‘shout, call out, shriek, screech, yell’
NCV	Tamambo	ŋara	‘cry (especially of children)’
Pn	Tongan	ŋala	‘cry loudly, howl’

7.4. Grunting and moaning⇫

Verbs of grunting, groaning, moaning and the like appear often to be local onomatopoeic innovations, so that cognate sets barely exist and, even where we find putative cognates, there is a possibility of independent parallel innovation. It is possible that some members of the set below do not reflect POc *[ŋuk]ŋuk ‘grunt, moan’ but are independent coinages.

PMP		*ŋuk, *ŋuk-ŋuk	‘grunt, moan’ (ACD)
POc		*[ŋuk]ŋuk	‘grunt, moan’ (ACD)
Adm	Lou	ŋok	‘grunt from falling’
NNG	Gedaged	ŋuk-ŋuk	‘stutter, catch one’s breath, when crying’
NNG	Sio	ŋɔ	‘grunt (animal sound)’
NNG	Mapos Buang	ŋūk	‘grunt, mumble’
MM	Tolai	ŋuk, ŋukuk	[VI] ‘to whine, murmur, cry’
Fij	Rotuman	ŋu	‘grumble, complain, grunt’
Fij	Wayan	ŋūŋū	‘groan’
Fij	Wayan	ŋūŋū-raki	‘groan a lot’
Pn	Tongan	ŋū	‘grunt’
Pn	Samoan	ŋū	‘growl’
Pn	Tikopia	ŋu	‘grunt; utter’
Pn	Hawaiian	nū-nū	‘moaning, groaning, cooing, grunting’

7.5. Goosebumps⇫

No POc reconstruction has been made, but a number of terms for goosebumps have been collected which identify it with thorns or prickles of plants, barbs of sago leaf or spikes of spiny fish. The Wayan Fijian and Niuean terms support reconstruction of a Proto Central Pacific term.

NNG	Gedaged	duduɬu-n, didiɬu-n		‘pricks, short protuberance, gooseflesh’ (POc *(dr,r)uRi ‘thorn’; vol.3:125)
NNG	Dami	didi		‘small bumps, goose pimples’
PT	Dobu	losaka-sakalulu		‘gooseflesh’ (sakalulu ‘porcupinefish’)
PT	Sudest	viⁿde		‘goosebumps’ (viⁿde-viⁿde ‘thorns’)
Pn	Niuean	ta-tala	[PP]	‘have goosebumps, raise prickles’ (POc tara_ ’fish spear’n _tala ‘barb’; vol.2:224)

FIXME - must recognize grammatical glosses “PRO” < PCP *voto-voto (V) ‘have goosebumps’ Fij: Wayan voto, voto-voto ‘thorn, prickle; gooseflesh’ (POc *poto(k)); ‘thorn’ (vol.3:125) Fij: Wayan |sē PRO votovoto| (V) ‘have goosebumps’ (sē ‘blossom, bloom’) Pn: Niuean foto-foto ‘feel prickly, have goosebumps’ FIXME >

7.6. Trembling and shivering⇫

There were a number of POc terms for ‘tremble, shiver’. Six of these fall into three pairs. One member of each pair has the skeleton *rVrV, the other *drVdrV. The pairs are *riri (with variant *ridriŋ) and *dridri, *rere and *dredre (with variant *drere), and *ruru and *drudru.⁴⁸

The fact that there are three pairs of forms is intriguing, and the *rere/*dredre and *ruru/*drudru pairs appear to have arisen in POc, perhaps through onomatopoeic wordplay.

Of these roots, only *riri/*ridriŋ has possible non-Oceanic cognates, and its history and variation in form are discussed in §4.8.1, as it also occurs in terms for ‘be cold’. Suffice it to say here that the original form of the root was probably POc *ridriŋ, but this is reflected in ‘tremble’ forms only in Mangap and Sio. Elsewhere, assimilation has occurred and widespread reflexes of *riri are found, suggesting that this was already an alternant in POc. Only Sio and Marshallese reflect *dridri.

The most widely reflected POc term for ‘tremble, shiver’ is *riri/*ridriŋ. Since this root also occurred in terms for ‘be cold’, one might infer that its earliest meaning was perhaps ‘shiver’, but the glosses of reflexes below suggest that it was used both for trembling with fear and for shivering with cold or a fever.

POc		*riri, *ridriŋ	‘tremble, shiver’
NNG	Mangap	riŋriŋ	‘tremor, shaking’
NNG	Sio	rindi	[ADJ] ‘standing on end (as a frightened cat’s fur)’
NNG	Wab	rir	‘afraid’ (for †lil)
NNG	Ulau-Suain	rara-rir	‘tremble’
NNG	Ali	ri-rir	‘tremble’
MM	Harua	pa-riri	‘tremble’
MM	Nakanai	pa-ri-riri	‘tremble’ (-r- three times for †-l-)
SES	Bugotu	ariri	‘shake, tremble, of persons, shiver as with ague’
SES	Longgu	ʔari-ʔariri	‘be excited, shake from excitement or cold’ (ʔ- for ∅-)
SES	Lau	a-riri	‘be shaken, tremble with ague’
SES	Kwaio	a-lili	‘tremble’
SES	’Are’are	a-riri	‘tremble, shiver’
SES	Sa’a	a-riri	‘tremble, shiver from cold or fear’
SES	Arosi	a-riri	‘tremble with fear, be very feverish’
NCV	Kiai	(sarsarama)riri	‘tremble (as in malaria)’
NCV	Uripiv	e-ɾi-ɾiɾ	‘shiver’ (John Lynch, pers. comm.)
Fij	Bauan	lili(wa)	‘cold’
Pn	Samoan	lili	‘shiver, tremble’
PPn		*taka-lili	‘tremble, shiver’
Pn	Tongan	teke-lili	‘shiver, tremble, quiver, esp. with cold or rage’
Pn	East Futunan	taka-lili	‘shiver with cold, tremble with fear’
Pn	West Uvea	taka-lili	‘shiver with cold, tremble with desire’
Pn	Anutan	taka-riri	‘shake as in shivering or convulsion’
Pn	Rennellese	taka-gigi	‘shudder, as when hearing a sharp and painful noise’

cf. also:

NNG

Mangap

-mo-riri

‘be timid, afraid (to do s.t.)’

POc		*dridri	‘tremble’
NNG	Sio	(ru)didi	‘tremble, shivering’
PMic		*cici	‘tremble’ (Bender et al. 2003)
Mic	Marshallese	(wi)ṛiṛ-ṛiṛ	‘tremble, quake’

cf. also:

Fij

Wayan

driwa-driwa

[VI, N] ‘cold’

The POc pair *rere and *dredre ‘tremble, shiver’ appear to be an alternant version of the pair *riri and *dridri. This is plausible formally, as POc *e only reflects PMP *-ay, i.e. in inherited items it occurs only morpheme-finally. Medial POc *-e- is either the outcome of borrowing from a non-Oceanic language or of idiosyncratic innovation. We suggest that it is due to the latter here. Nowhere are both *rere and *riri reflected in a single language, and there is no evident contrast in meaning, beyond the fact that reflexes of *rere have acquired the meaning ‘fear’ in Bel languages (Bilibil etc.) and in Fijian. The Takia phrase tini-g i-rer ‘my skin trembles’ [skin-my it-tremble] shows how the extension of meaning occurred.

POc		*rere	‘tremble, shiver, shake with fear, be fearful’
Adm	Titan	lel	[VI] ‘shake, tremble’
Adm	Titan	lele-ani	[VT] ‘shake’
NNG	Bilibil	-rer	‘fear (s.o.)’
NNG	Matukar	rer	‘fear (s.o.)’
NNG	Megiar	-rer	‘fear (s.o.)’
NNG	Takia	-rer	‘afraid, fearful; fear (s.o.)’
NNG	Takia	tini- i-rer	‘be afraid’ (skin- it-afraid)
NNG	Medebur	-rer	‘fear (s.o.)’
NNG	Manam	rere(sabu)	‘fear, tremble, shudder’
NNG	Bam	-rier	‘tremble’
NNG	Wogeo	-re-rere	‘tremble’
NNG	Kaulong	reh	‘(?) shake’ (sic)
SES	Arosi	rere(bʷeru)	‘run away’ (bʷeru ‘run’)
NCV	Mota	rere	‘tremble, shake with fear’
NCV	Mwotlap	yeyey	‘tremble, quiver with cold, fever or age’
Fij	Bauan	rere	‘fear’
PMic		*rere	‘tremble (with fear)’
Mic	Kosraean	rar-rar	‘tremble (with fear)’
Mic	Chuukese	rer	‘tremble (with fear)’
Mic	Ponapean	rɛr	‘tremble (with fear)’

The second member of this pair was apparently POc *dredre (with variant *drere), but PPn *tete raises a question of form. Was its POc ancestor *dredre or *dede? By regular sound change it was *dede, but the likely history of the root *ridriŋ, reflecting PMP *diŋdiŋ (§4.8.1), points to POc *dr, not *d. We cannot resolve this conflict, but note that the POc consonant *d was rare medially and almost non-existent initially, suggesting that *dredre was modified to *dede in an early Oceanic dialect ancestral to PPn.

POc		*dre(r,dr)e	‘tremble, shake’
MM	Tabar	deri	‘tremble’
MM	Notsi	dil	‘tremble’
MM	Lihir	del	‘tremble’
MM	Lamasong	de	‘tremble’
MM	Madak	dede	‘tremble in fear’
MM	Ramoaaina	dada-der	‘shake, shiver, tremble (from fright)’
MM	Siar	te-ter	‘tremble’ (t- for †d-)
SES	Gela	dede	‘shake (of something unstable)’
PMic		*cece	‘shake, tremble’ (Bender et al. 2003)
Mic	Kiribati	rere	‘dart quickly’
Mic	Chuukese	c̣c̣ēc̣	‘quake, tremor, shake, shiver, tremble’
Mic	Puluwatese	ceec, cece-	[VI, N] ‘shake, tremble’
Mic	Carolinian	ṣec̣	‘shake, tremble’
Mic	Woleaian	c̣c̣øc̣c̣ø	‘shake, tremble’
PPn		*tete	‘shiver, tremble’
Pn	Tongan	tete	‘tremble, shiver, quiver, vibrate’
Pn	Samoan	tete	‘tremble, shiver, shake’
Pn	East Futunan	tete	[VI, N] ‘tremble’
Pn	East Uvean	tete	‘tremble’
Pn	Luangiua	ke-keke	‘quiver’
Pn	Rapanui	tete-tete	‘fever; tremble’
Pn	Mangarevan	tete	‘tremble with fear or shiver with cold’
Pn	Tuamotuan	tete	‘chatter, as teeth with cold’
Pn	Māori	tete-tete	‘chatter, rattle’

The PNCV reflex of POc *ruru (VI) ‘shake’ had acquired the additional sense of ‘earthquake’ (vol.2:82), but there is no evidence of this elsewhere, and the POc pair *ruru and *drudru do not seem to have differed in meaning from the two pairs above. The form *drudru is reflected only in Remote Oceanic languages. The Polynesian forms may reflect either *ruru or *drudru.

POc		*ruru	‘shake, tremble’
NNG	Tuam	-rur	‘tremble’
NNG	Malai	-rur	‘tremble’
NNG	Gitua	ruru	‘tremble’
NNG	Mangap	-mu-rur	‘shiver, tremble; be frightened, be surprised’
NNG	Sio	ruru	‘shake; fear, be afraid’
NNG	Kaulong	roh	‘shake’
NNG	Takia	-rut	‘be frightened, be surprised’
PNCV		*rur	‘earthquake; shake’
NCV	Raga	ruru	‘tremble’
NCV	Raga	ruru-i, ruru-ti	‘shake’
NCV	Uripiv	-rur	‘shake’
NCV	West Ambrym	ru-ru	‘shiver’
NCV	Nguna	na-ruru	‘earthquake’

PROc		*drudru	‘shake, tremble’
PSV		*a-rur	‘shake’
SV	Kwamera	e-rur	‘shake, shake down (fruit from tree), fizz’
PMic		*cucu	‘tremble, shake’
Mic	Kosraean	(ku)ṣuṣ	‘tremble, quake, vibrate’
PPn		*lulu	‘shake, tremble’
Pn	Tongan	lulu	‘shake’
Pn	Niuean	lulu, lūlū	‘shake’
Pn	Samoan	lūlū	‘shake’
Pn	East Futunan	lulū	‘shake, shiver’
Pn	East Uvean	lulu	‘shake’
Pn	Tuvalu	lū	‘shake’
Pn	Kapingamarangi	ruru	‘shake’
Pn	Rennellese	gūgū	‘shake’
Pn	Tuamotuan	rū	‘shake’
Pn	Tuamotuan	ruru	‘tremble with cold’
Pn	Mangarevan	rū-rū	‘shake’
Pn	Marquesan	ʔū	‘tremble’
Pn	Marquesan	ʔū-ʔū	‘shake’
Pn	Tahitian	rūrū	‘shake, tremble, quake (of persons)’

cf. also:

Fij

Rotuman

rū

‘shake (e.g. branch of tree, bottle)’ (Polynesian loan?)

In vol.2:80, POc *ninir ‘earthquake’ was reconstructed. Like PNCV *ruru above, this seems to have reflected a verb meaning ‘tremble, shake’. The final *-r is not reflected in the non-Oceanic cognates from which PMP *ninih is reconstructed, and the sets supporting PMP *ninih and POc *ninir may resemble each other by chance.

PMP		*ninih	‘shake, tremble, rock’ (ACD)
POc		*ninir	‘tremble, shake; earthquake’
NNG	Gedaged	nini	‘swing, oscillate, shake, rock’
NNG	Mapos Buang	-nɛl	‘earthquake’
NNG	Zenag	nɛr	‘earthquake’
MM	Bulu	nunu	‘tremble’
MM	Patpatar	ninir	‘quake, shake, be agitated’
MM	Babatana	nene(dere)	‘shake,tremble, chiefly with fright’ (dere ‘stand’)
MM	Roviana	nene(gara)	‘tremble, shaking with cold; palsy’
SES	Sa’a	nini(koʔa)	‘trembling, shivering from fright or cold’
Fij	Bauan	nini	‘tremble, quake with fear or anger’
Pn	Tongan	nini-nini	[VI] ‘shiver with cold’

8. Temperature⇫

The reconstruction of terms for ‘hot’ and ‘cold’ is tricky, because the English words have a number of senses for which Oceanic speakers use different words or phrases. The English use of ‘cold’ to denote a sickness is set aside here. Some Oceanic languages distinguish between

1. a person feeling cold (the sense §4.8.1 is concerned with),
2. a substance being cold to the touch, and
3. the air, wind or weather being cold.

Thus in To’aba’ita the terms are (a) tega or aqai, (b) gʷari, and (c) ʔoleʔoleʔa. However, there is a twist: (a) may also be gʷa-gʷari, a reduplicated form of (b) (Lichtenberk 2008).

In Dobu (a) and (c) are both gogai, and (b) is gonituna, or goyuyuwana if the cold substance is water (Lithgow & Lithgow 2006).

Very few of the available dictionaries differentiate the senses of ‘cold’ as carefully as these two, so there is a data problem. This is compounded, as seen in both To’aba’ita and Dobu, by the fact that a term may span two of the three senses. Much the same is true of words for ‘hot’.

FIXME: How to deal with these “revisions” below?

A consequence of this is that §§4.8.1–2 are revisions of the section on temperature in vol.2:217–218—this despite the fact that those terms were concerned with (b), whereas we are here concerned with (a). Although it may be assumed that POc made distinctions of the kind listed above, it is not possible to determine accurately how reconstructed terms for ‘hot’ and ‘cold’ related to (a), (b) and (c).

8.1. Feeling cold⇫

There are several POc forms for ‘cold’ which are derived ultimately from PMP *diŋin ‘cold’. However, Chamorro maniŋhiŋ ‘cold’ reflects PMP *maN-diŋdiŋ (Blust 1970:133), and it can be assumed that the POc forms reflect the PMP reduplicated root *diŋdiŋ. The expected POc form of the root is *ridriŋ, which is plentifully reflected, but this has been subject to assimilations and perhaps metathesis at various post-POc interstages. The root alone is reflected as POc *ridri(ŋ), or *riri(ŋ) ‘shiver’ (with assimilation of medial *-dr- to initial *r-), discussed in §7.6.

Forms for ‘cold’ consist of one of the prefixes *ma-, *maN- and *maka- + *ridriŋ, giving expected POc forms *ma-ridriŋ, *madridriŋ (from *maN-ridriŋ) and *maka-ridriŋ, all of which are reflected in present-day Oceanic languages. Matters are complicated by the fact that forms are also found which appear to reflect *ma-ririŋ, *madririŋ, i.e. with medial *-dr- replaced by *-r-. There are several possible explanations of these forms, including assimilation, dissimilation and metathesis, but these are ignored here as their distribution in the data suggests that they are local innovations. This means that in a few cases forms reflecting *ma-ridriŋ may have been attributed to *madridriŋ, and vice versa.

It is possible that the forms here attributed to POc *madridriŋ are actually all reflexes of *ma-ridriŋ that have undergone assimilation of root-initial *-r- to medial *dr-. However, their wide distribution speaks against this. As *madridriŋ reflects *maN-ridriŋ, and *maN- has an agentive implication, the question arises, How could a term for ‘cold’ be agentive? The answer is perhaps that it denoted coldness of weather, and there is a sense in which weather can be regarded as agentive (‘causing shivering’): ‘cold (of weather)’ is the gloss assigned to PMP *maN-diŋdiŋ by Zorc (2007).

We take *ma-ridriŋ and *maka-ridriŋ both to have meant ‘feel cold’, but their meanings may have been wider than this. No semantic difference between them is discernible.

PMP		*ma-diŋdiŋ	‘cold’ (Blust 1970)
POc		*ma-ridri(ŋ)	‘(s.o.) be cold’
NNG	Mutu	marir	‘(s.o.) cold’ (final -r for †-d)
NNG	Apalik	miri-n	‘(s.o.) cold’ (or < POc *madridriŋ)
NNG	Bebeli	merir	‘(s.o.) cold’ (or < POc *madridriŋ)
NNG	Kaiep	marir	‘(s.o.) cold’ (or < POc *madridriŋ)
NNG	Kairiru	-merir	‘(s.o.) cold’ (or < POc *madridriŋ)
SJ	Kayupulau	mariri-e	‘(s.o.) cold’ (or < POc *madridriŋ)
NCV	Mota	ma-marir	‘cold’ (final -r for †-n)
NCV	Merlav	marir	‘cold’ (final -r for †-n)
NCV	Kiai	(sarsara)mariri	‘tremble (as in malaria)’
NCV	Namakir	miladi-n	‘cold’ (-l- for †-r-)
NCV	Nguna	malādi	‘cold’ (-l- for †-r-)

PMP		*mandiŋ-diŋ	‘cold’ (Blust 1970)
POc		*madridriŋ	‘be cold’
Adm	Aua	maxixi	‘cold’
Adm	Mondropolon	madri	‘cold’
NNG	Takia	madid	‘(s.o.) cold’
NNG	Manam	madidi	‘cold’
NNG	Ulau-Suain	madid	‘(s.o.) cold’
NNG	Mengen	ma-mariri	‘(s.o.) cold’
MM	Nakanai	magigi	‘to shake (as in epilepsy)’
MM	Tolai	madiriŋ	‘cold (water, food)’ (-r- for †-d-)
MM	Halia	maririŋ	‘(s.o.) cold’
NCV	Raga	masisi	‘cold’
NCV	Kiai	makiki	‘cold’
NCV	West Ambrym	marid	‘cold’
NCV	Uripiv	-me-mr̃ali	‘cold, cool’ (-l- for †-r̃-)
NCV	Paamese	madil	‘cold’ (-l for †-r)
PMic		*maci, *macici	‘be cold’ (Bender et al. 2003)
Mic	Kiribati	mariri	‘feel cold’
Mic	Kosraean	miṣiṣ	‘cold, chilly, cool, goosebumps’
Mic	Marshallese	məṛ	‘cooled off (of food once hot)’
Fij	Rotuman	matiti	‘cold’

PMP		*maka-diŋdiŋ	‘cold’ (Blust 1970) 49
POc		*maka-ridriŋ	‘(s.o.) be cold’
MM	Nakanai	maka-rigi	‘cold, be cold’
MM	Notsi	maka-dil	‘(s.o.) cold’
SES	Bauro	maɣā-risi	‘cold’
NCV	Tamambo	maɣa-riri	‘cold’ (second -r- for †-d-)
PPn		*maka-lili	‘cold, chilly’ (POLLEX)
Pn	Niuean	maka-lili	‘cold, chilly’
Pn	Samoan	maʔa-lili	[VI] ‘feel cold, shiver’; [N] ‘cold (weather)’
Pn	East Futunan	maka-lili	‘cold, chilly’
Pn	East Uvean	maka-lili	‘chilly’
Pn	Tuvalu	maka-lili	‘cold, shiver’
Pn	West Futunan	maka-ligi	‘cold’
Pn	Nukuoro	maga-lili	‘feel cold, shiver’
Pn	Sikaiana	maka-lili	‘shiver, tremble, fever’
Pn	Luangiua	mā-lili	‘cold, chilly’
Pn	Anutan	maka-riri	‘cold’
Pn	Tikopia	maka-riri	‘coldness; shiver from malaria’
Pn	Tikopia	kaka-riri	‘coldness’
Pn	Hawaiian	maʔa-lili	‘cooled’
Pn	Mangarevan	maka-riri	‘cold, chilly’
Pn	Māori	maka-riri	[VI] ‘feel cold, cold (of weather)’; [N] ‘cold’

Another cognate set meaning ‘cold’ appears to reflect both *malaso ‘cold (verb)’ and *malaso-ŋ ‘cold (noun)’.

POc		*malaso	[VI] ‘be cold’
POc		*malaso-ŋ	[N] ‘cold’
NNG	Roinji	malasu(na)	‘(s.o.) cold’
NNG	Wab	malsuŋ	‘cold’
NNG	Bing	malsoŋ	‘cold’
NNG	Mindiri	malas	‘cold’
NNG	Megiar	malas	‘(s.o.) cold’
MM	Nehan	malahoŋ	‘(s.o.) cold’
SES	Gela	malaho	‘cold, chill’
NCV	Mota	malaso	[N] ‘cold’
NCV	Uripiv	melas	[N] ‘cold’
SV	Southwest Tanna	(ə)mla	‘be cold’

Finally, the cognate set below has an uneven distribution, but the correspondence is good.

POc		*(p,pʷ)o(q)ut	‘be cold’
MM	Nehan	pous-pous-pousu	‘stiff, numb with cold’
MM	Petats	pout	‘(s.o.) cold’
MM	Halia	bout	‘(water) cold’
PMic		*fou	‘feel cold’
Mic	Marshallese	(pi)yaw	‘chilly, cool’
Mic	Mokilese	pow	‘feel cold’
Mic	Mokilese	(ko)pow	‘feel cold (of people)’
Mic	Chuukese	fə̄w	‘cold, be cold’
Mic	Chuukese	əffə̄w	‘chills’
Mic	Chuukese	a-ffə̄w	‘be cold to the touch’
Mic	Woleaian	fø̄ʉ	‘be cold, cool, shiver’
Mic	Woleaian	(xaẓi)fø̄ʉ	‘be cold, chilly’
Mic	Carolinian	ffōy, ffə̄y	‘feel cold’

8.2. Feeling hot⇫

Three terms are reconstructable for ‘hot, warm’, POc *[ma]panas, POc *maŋini(t) and POc *tunu-tunu. The first was probably the general term, to judge from its distribution and its glosses, whilst *maŋini(t) probably had some specialised sense. The third was apparently derived from the verb POc *tunu ‘roast on embers or in fire’ (vol.1:293).

PMP		*[ma]panas	‘be/become warm, hot (of fire, sun, fever, water)’ (ACD)
POc		*[ma]panas	‘warm, hot’
POc		*pa-panas-i-	‘warm (s.t.) up’
Adm	Mussau	anasa	‘(s.o.) hot’
NNG	Kove	wana-wana	‘(s.o.) hot’
NNG	Tami	wa-wan	‘(s.o.) hot’
NNG	Arawe	ka-wanes	‘(s.o.) hot’
NNG	Takia	wana-na-n	‘hot’
NNG	Numbami	wa-wana	‘hot’
NNG	Mapos Buang	vanɛ	‘hot’
SJ	Sobei	me-fna	‘(s.o.) hot’
MM	Tigak	ma-nas	‘(s.o.) hot’
MM	Ramoaaina	vu-van	‘(s.o.) hot’
SES	Gela	pa-pana	‘heat up (food)’
SES	Longgu	pa-pana	‘be warm’
SES	Longgu	pa-panaz-i-	‘warm (s.o.)’
SES	Bauro	ma-hana	‘warm’
SV	Kwamera	-a-pʷan-a-pʷan	‘hot’
SV	Anejom̃	a-hen-hen	‘warm, hot’
Fij	Rotuman	mah-mahana	‘warm’
PPn		*ma-fana	‘be warm’
PPn		*faka-fana	‘warm (s.t.) up’ (POLLEX)
Pn	Tongan	ma-fana	‘warm (of food, water, drink); unpleasantly warm, stuffy (of room)’
Pn	Tongan	mā-fana	‘warmth; warm (of country, time, day); pleasantly warm’
Pn	Niuafo’ou	mā-fana	‘warm’
Pn	Niuean	ma-fana	‘warm’
Pn	Niuean	faka-fana	‘warm up (as food)’
Pn	Samoan	mā-fana-fana	‘warm’
Pn	Samoan	faʔa-fana	‘reheat, warm up food’
Pn	Tuvalu	ma-fana	‘warm, re-bake’
Pn	East Futunan	mā-fana	‘warm’
Pn	East Futunan	faka-fana	‘warm up cold food’
Pn	Sikaiana	mā-hana	‘warm’
Pn	Luangiua	ma-haŋa	‘warm; feverish’
Pn	Takuu	ma-fana	‘(of water, etc. but not weather) warm; feverish’
Pn	Hawaiian	ma-hana	‘warm’
Pn	Tahitian	ma-hana-hana	‘warm’
Pn	Mangarevan	maʔana	‘warm’

PMP		*maN-qinit	‘hot, warm’ (ACD: *qinit ‘heat, warmth’)
POc		*maŋini(t)	‘become hot, warm (?)’
MM	Lungga	maŋini	‘warm’
MM	Roviana	maŋini	‘warm’
MM	Hoava	maŋini	‘warm’

The reflexes of the term below suggest the form †*tun-tunu, but the phonotactics and reduplication patterns of POc require *tunu-tunu, even though the second of the four instances of *-u- happens not to be reflected in the cognate set below.

POc		*tunu-tunu	‘hot’
Adm	Lou	tuntun-an	‘feel hot’
NNG	Malai	tun-tunu	‘hot’
NNG	Gitua	tun-tun	‘hot’
MM	Sursurunga	tun-tun	‘warm (as house), tepid (as water)’
MM	Konomala	tun-tun	‘(s.o.) hot’
PNCV		*tu-tunu	‘warm, hot’ (Clark 2009: *tunu)
NCV	Mota	tu-tun	‘warm, hot’
NCV	Nokuku	tu-tunu	‘warm, hot’
NCV	Uripiv	o-tu-tun	‘hot’
Fij	Wayan	tu-tunu	‘be warm, not very hot; tepid’

Notes⇫