Chapter 6.12 Talking about speaking

Malcolm Ross and Bethwyn Evans and Meredith Osmond

1. Introduction1

One thing people often talk about is what they and others say. When they talk about speech, they often conceptualise it as an act: ‘she promised me’ or ‘he accused me’ or ‘I reprimanded him’ or ‘he lied to me’ or ‘they congratulated you’ or ‘I persuaded her to …’. The list of possible ‘speech acts’ is long, and has generated a substantial literature. Much of this of a philosophical bent extending the work of Austin (1962) and Searle (1969, 1976, 1998). Some of it more inclined toward linguistics in that it deals with the pragmatics of speech—how we interpret and respond to what someone says (e.g., Leech 1983, ch.8; Shuy 2015), or with the structure of conversations (e.g., Sinclair & Coulthard 1975; Tsui 1994; O’Grady 2010).

Here, however, we set these matters aside and focus on speech act verbs, the verbs that speakers use to refer to the kinds of act exemplified above. Alongside these, languages have speech manner verbs like shout, stammer, and whisper, about which the literature has much less to say as they are relatively uncontroversial. Both speech act verbs and speech manner verbs are reconstructed below.

1.1. Categorising speech act verbs

A number of studies have examined the meanings of speech act verbs. Verschueren (1980) and Wierzbicka (1985a, 1985b, 2003) argue that we must not assume that each language encodes the same set of speech acts in its speech act verbs. Vershueren’s (1980:4) claim is that only the speech acts which are relevant within the given culture will be lexicalised (that is, have words or expressions that denote them) and thus the analysis of speech acts and their classification should be done through detailed analysis of different languages’ speech act verbs (Vershueren 1980:34). Wierzbicka (1987, 2003) presents similar argumentation, stating that

every language imposes a certain categorization on the universe of speech acts, by offering labels such as exclaim, promise, complain, reproach, and so on. These labels are language-specific. This means the categorization offered by one language is different from that offered by another (Wierzbicka 1987:10).

She argues that these categorisations are ‘crucially important to the way we perceive the world we live in— the world of human relationships and human interaction.’ (1987:3). Further, “the primary act of speech act verbs consists in interpreting people’s speech acts, not in performing speech acts,” (1987:16) and thus

The set of English speech act verbs reflects a certain interpretation of the world of human action and interaction’…’but the categories for which English does provide names are evidently seen by the speakers of English as particularly important. They shape their perception of human attitudes and human relations (Wierzbicka 1987:10).

Thus the only way to understand this categorisation in a given language and through it its speakers’ interpretations of human actions and interactions, is to first analyse the structure of its speech act verbs (Wierzbicka 1987:9).

Ideally, then, this chapter would pursue two questions: (i) What types of meaning are lexicalised in Oceanic languages and appear to have been lexicalised in Proto Oceanic; and (ii) what is the grammatical behaviour of these lexemes, both in the modern languages and in Proto Oceanic? However, the available data limit what can be done. Dictionary definitions of speech act verbs are often only one or two words, and we are left guessing how a term is/was used in practice. As a result there are more question marks against reconstructed glosses in this chapter than elsewhere in these volumes. Sometimes examples tell us about a term’s grammatical behaviour, but we find that cognates differ in behaviour, so that (ii) has proven largely unachievable, other than that the subject is usually the speaker.2

Although absence of exact equivalence between speech act verbs in different languages is the norm, Leech (1983:205–226) sorts speech act verbs into five broad categories based on their sense and on the grammatical constructions in which they occur. We re-label four of them in order to avoid some of the jargon that has grown up around speech acts and speech act verbs.3 English constructions and examples follow.4 We take a following clause or to + verb phrase to be the verb’s complement, while objectA refers to an addressee. The morpheme introducing a complement is called a complementiser. In this terminology, then, that, if/ whether and to are complementisers.

    1. report verbs (Leech’s assertives): e.g. say, declare, argue, mention
      • verb + object noun phrase I said a few words.
      • verb + [that] clause I said that I was coming.
      • verb + clause with wh-word I said what they wanted to hear.
    2. question verbs (Leech’s rogatives), e.g. ask, enquire, discuss, wonder
      • verb + object noun phrase She asked a question.
      • verb + if/whether clause She asked if/whether the school would be closed.
      • verb + clause with wh-word She asked who would be invited.
    3. influence verbs5 (Leech’s directives), e.g. tell, urge, order, request, ask
      • verb + objectA + [that] clause I told the children that they should go home.
      • verb + objectA + to verb phrase I told the children to go home.
    4. commitment verbs (Leech’s commissives), e.g. offer, promise, agree, refuse
      • verb + [that] clause We agreed that we would paint the schoolroom.
      • verb + to verb phrase We agreed to paint the schoolroom.

Influence constructions resemble commitment constructions, except for the addition of an addressee object (the person the speaker seeks to influence) in influence constructions.

Semantic definitions of the four classes in (1) are inevitably wide. Report verbs refer to speech acts by which speakers convey the information in the complement to their addressee(s) (§12.3.1). A question verb refers to a speech act that seeks from some other person a verbal response to the complement (§12.3.3). An influence verb refers to a speech act that seeks to have the addressee(s) perform an act described in the complement (§12.3.4). A commitment verb refers to a speech act whereby the speaker(s) undertakes to perform (or in the case of refuse, not to perform) an act described in the complement. No commitment verbs are reconstructed below, a lacuna that is discussed in §12.3.5.

Leech’s expressives, e.g. greet (s.o.), thank (s.o. for s.t.), excuse (s.o. from s.t.), accuse (s.o. of s.t.), praise (s.o. for s.t.), congratulate (s.o. on s.t.), apologise (to s.o. for s.t.) differ from report verbs in that they usually occur without a complement clause because the speech act’s semantic content is expressed by the speech act verb itself (Leech 1983:217–218). Expressives are particularly specific to their speakers’ culture in the sense discussed by Verschueren and Wierzbicka, but we do find a few cognate sets that permit the reconstruction of earlier expressive speech act verbs (§12.4).

In both English and many Oceanic languages the same verb may occur in different constructions with different meanings. Tell, for example, is both a report and an influence verb. The distinction is made by the complement construction: report I told him that I was going home vs influence I told them that they should go home or I told them to go home. Ask is both a question and an influence verb: We asked if the school would be closed vs We asked the children to go home. Thus it is the verb and the construction together that convey whether the speech act being talked about is conceived as reporting, questioning, influencing or committing.6

In light of the above, data for this chapter were assembled in two ways. First, as usual, we searched all the available lexical sources for speech act and speech manner verbs. We also searched grammatical descriptions for examples of speech act verb usage in the context of the constructions with which they occur. Examples from sixty or so Oceanic languages were collected, but these are sometimes incomplete. Often we do not find construction data for commitment verbs. This is apparently a result of the distribution of the four classes in the data. Where ‘>’ means ‘is more frequent than’, we find report > influence > question > commitment.

1.2. Complements in Oceanic languages

The framework above seems messy: a few English speech act verbs belong to two or more of the four classes, and some English constructions occur in more than one class. The apparent mess reflects the interaction of numerous factors which we gloss over here. What is interesting is that each Oceanic language for which there are adequate data on the co-occurrence of constructions with speech act verbs displays a similar set of overlaps. Just as the complementiser that occurs with English report, influence and commitment verbs, in Sursurunga (MM, St George, south New Ireland) the complementiser ŋo occurs with all four classes. And just as a conditional should or would occurs in the that-complement of an English influence or commitment verb, so the verb in the complement of a Sursurunga influence or commitment verb is in the irrealis mood, as in (5) and (6). We saw from (1c) and (1d) above that English influence and commitment constructions differ only in the addition of an addressee object to influence constructions, an addition that follows from their semantics. The same difference is reflected in (5) and (6) below.

In each of (2) to (6) the speech act verb is underlined and the complement clause is surrounded by square brackets. The complementiser is bolded.

  1. report
    • Sursurunga (MM): (Samson et al. 2018:105)
      ‘The mouth of the Uiam river, they say that it is dangerous….’
      mutwən dan ə Uiam di lu parai [ŋo a lu arpukus]
      river.mouth river ART U. S:3P HAB say C S:3S HAB dangerous
  1. question: polar
    • Sursurunga (MM): (Samson et al. 2018:96)
      ‘The guys asked if they could open the earth oven now, …’
      kalilik di gatna [ŋo də-k lu kas ioh mə]…
      guys S:3P ask C S:3P.IRR-SEQ HAB dig,up earth.oven now
  1. question: wh-
    • Sursurunga (MM): (Samson et al. 2018:203)
      ‘And then I asked them what that child had done so that he cried, …’
      pəkənbuŋ iau gəlta di [ŋo dənih a loŋoi ə kalik er ə-k taŋ,…]
      CJ then S:1S ask O:3S C what S:3S do spec child dem S:3S-SEQ cry
  1. influence
    • Sursurunga (MM): (Samson et al. 2018:715)
      ‘Dad told me to climb that coconut down there …’
      əi tata a dos-i iau suri [ŋo ina sari lamas munaŋ,.…]
      D:3S dad S:3S command-TR O:1S PURP C S:1S.IRR climb coconut.tree that.below
  1. commitment
    • Sursurunga (MM): (Samson et al. 2018:483)
      ‘… the people undertook faithfully to stand together to construct an elementary school building.’
      tan kələmul di sorməŋət mai muswan [ŋo da tur talum suri loŋoi ə rumə-n aratintin kə-n elementiri]
      PL person S:3P assent with faithfulness C S:3P.IRR stand together PURP build ART house-P:3S teaching PCL-P:3S elementary

Another instance of similarity between English and Oceanic is that some speech act verbs occur in more than one category. English tell and Wayan Fijian veðe ‘tell’ both occur as both report (7) and influence (8) verbs

    • Wayan (Fij): (Pawley & Sayaba 2022)
      ‘Taina used to tell me that I always spoiled Adi.’
      a nei veðe-i au o Taina [me gu dau vakateke-i Adi]
      S:3S HAB tell-TR O:1S ART T. C S:1S HAB spoil-TR Adi
    • Wayan (Fij): (Pawley & Sayaba 2022)
      ‘I told her to get ready to go.’
      gu veðē [me vakarau laka]
      S:1S PERFECTIVE tell.O:3S C prepare go

The same can be said of Mussau ue, Wuvulu -ware, Lou pa, Kele pe, Mangap -so, Bariai -keo, Yabem -sʊm, Minaveha -vone, Tawala -baha, ’Ala’ala -tani-, Bola taki-, Nakanai vei, Tabar oeŋ, Siar war-, Halia hate-, Teop sue, Papapana -vatani-, Zabana kahe-, Kokota ōe, Maringe ceke-, Gela bosa, Tolo koe, Longgu ili-, Arosi woi, Teanu -ko, Vurës ɣaɣnɛɣ, Mwotlap vap, Maskelynes -kel, Tamambo viti-, NE Ambae veve, Neverver -ver, Paamese vite, Lewo -pisa, Nêlêmwa xabʷe, Tinrin hĩḍɔ, Kosraean fæk, Marshallese ciṛoŋ, Mokilese pʷēŋ, Boumaa Fijian tuʔu-, Tongan tala, Tuvalu fai. The fact that the same word can be used with both report and influence constructions in so many Oceanic languages points to the likelihood that POc also had verbs similar in sense to English tell, meaning roughly ‘communicate (s.t. to s.o.)’. Two such verbs are tentatively reconstructed in §12.3.2. But the fact that the just listed verbs form a number of cognate sets (or belong to no known set) is a warning that speech act verbs are quite labile in Oceanic languages.

Of all these verbs, just two also occur as question verbs: Tawala baha and Boumaa Fijian tuʔu, probably because they are general verbs of saying.

Although English ask occurs as both a question and an influence verb, the only clear Oceanic instances of this semantic range in our data are Micronesian: Kosraean siyʌk, Marshallese kaccitʌk. This is not really surprising, as English ask is unusual in this regard. Many languages, it seems, use different speech act verbs in contexts that approximately correspond to English ask, e.g. German fragen (question) vs bitten (influence), Spanish preguntar vs rogar, Russian sprosit’ vs poprosit’, Hungarian kérdezni vs kérni (Verschueren 1980:27), Japanese tazuneru vs tamomu, Mandarin wèn vs yào.7 Note, however, that there is a derivational relationship between the two verbs in Russian and in Hungarian.

One difference between English and many Oceanic languages resides in the fact that English question, influence and commitment verbs have an alternative construction, to + verb phrase. This is an instance of “desententialisation” (Lehmann 1988), the tendency across languages for non-report verbs to occur with reduced complements that are no longer sentence-like. Like Sursurunga in (2)–(6), most Oceanic languages appear to lack reduced complements. Of the sixty or so Oceanic languages examined, only four have them. One is Teop (MM, Northwest Solomonic, north Bougainville), where influence verbs occur with two constructions. In (9) the complement clause is marked with the imperative preverbal clitic =re, and is a full clause. Alone, but with a second-person plural pronoun, its clause would be an imperative: ‘You go to the garden!’.

    • Teop (MM): (Schwartz et al. 2007: 227)
      ‘Saritavi asked us to go to the garden.’
      na tariko ma=e Saritavi [enam=re nao mohina].
      R ask DIR=ART S. D:1EP=IMPERATIVE go garden

In (10) the complement is reduced: the complementiser is purposive tea and the subject is deleted as it is identical with the addressee (mōn ‘female’) of the influence verb sue ‘tell’.

    • Teop (MM)
      ‘Mother told the girl to open the door.’ (Mosel & Thiesen 2007, §10.1.4)
      e na sue ki bona mōn [tea mamata bono matavu]
      ART mother R tell PREP ACC female C open ACC door

Other languages in which we have found reduced complements are Wayan Fijian (see example 8), Kosrean (Lee 1975:307) and Mokilese (Harrison 1976:293–294).8

English and Oceanic complement clauses differ in another respect. It is well known that the complements of English speech verbs (‘indirect speech’) are potentially affected by two phenomena relative to the clauses they are allegedly quoting. Thus a direct quotation like ‘I don’t want to be here,’ John said becomes John said [he didn’t want to be there]. The first phenomenon is deictic shift. As the speaker of the latter sentence is not John and is not at the place where John had spoken, the I of direct quotation becomes he and here becomes there. The second phenomenon is tense shift. As the speech act verb said of the latter sentence is in the past tense, the present tense verb don’t want of direct quotation shifts tense to past didn’t want. Oceanic languages employ deictic shift, but to our knowledge none shift tense. This appears to be a common pattern around the world.

It should be noted here that in Oceanic narrative texts direct quotation is much more common than indirect speech.

1.3. Ways of referring to speech acts

Thus far, we have assumed that speech acts are referred to by dedicated verbs, and indeed sometimes they are, as shown by the reconstructions in the following sections. But languages differ in this regard. For example, Mangap (NNG) has numerous apparent compounds that refer to speech acts. These consist of a verb plus an element that may be an adverb, a noun or another verb. The dictionary usually treats an adverb or noun as a separate word but joins a second verb to the first as a single word.9 Some of these compounds are semantically quite transparent, especially those with adverbs, e.g. -so katkat ‘speak frankly’, where -so means ‘say, speak’ and katkat means ‘openly, directly’. Others are fairly opaque, like -so-pe ‘advise (s.o.), instruct (s.o.)’, where -pe is ‘be firm, be settled’. Further compounds with -so are shown in (11).

Compound gloss second element with gloss
-so katkat ‘speak frankly’ katkat ‘openly, directly’
-so sorok ‘speak baselessly’ sorok ‘insignificant, ordinary’
-so-kāla ‘cut s.o.’s talk short’ -kāla ‘go on top of’
-so-pe ‘advise (s.o.), instruct (s.o.)’ -pe ‘be firm, be settled’
-so-kere ‘talk s.o. into doing s.t. wrong’ -kere ‘lead, take the lead’
-so-yāra ‘speak publicly, proclaim’ -yāra ‘shine, give off light’

The compounds above are report or influence expressions. Compounds formed with wi- ‘ask’ are question expressions, as seen in (12). Alone, -wi A pa B (pa is a multipurpose preposition) means either ‘ask A about B’ or ‘ask A for B’.

Compound gloss second element with gloss
-wi kankāna ‘ask stupid questions, ask a rhetorical question’ kankāna ‘stupid’
-wi kinkin ‘interrogate, persist in asking’ kinkin ‘persistently’
-wi tapāra ‘ask repeatedly’ -tapāra ‘repeatedly’
-wi-sese ‘interrogate, ask repeatedly’ -sese ‘sew up, mend’
-wi-nanāna ‘investigate, ask many people’ -nanāna ‘chase’
-wi-pe ‘ask in order to hear well’ -pe ‘be firm, be settled’

A number of other speech act compounds are listed in (13). The first verb is one of -suŋ, -kuru and -ŋgal. Alone -suŋ A pa B means ‘ask A for B’. The other two verbs are not speech act verbs when used alone: -kuru means ‘thread (s.t.) through a hole, put into a container’, and -ŋgal ‘throw’ or ‘pierce’.

Compound gloss second element with gloss
-suŋ sosor ‘wish evil, threaten, curse’ sosor ‘wrongdoing’
-kuru kopo- ‘stir up, incite, provoke (s.o.)’ kopo- ‘stomach’
-kuru lele- ‘stir up, incite, provoke (s.o.)’ lele- ‘inside’
-kuru sua pa A ‘accuse A falsely’ sua ‘talk (N)’
-ŋgal sua pa A ‘accuse A (often falsely)’ (= ‘throw talk at’) sua ‘talk (N)’
-ŋgal lele- ‘speak publicly, proclaim’ (= ‘pierce the inside’) lele- ‘inside (N)’
-ŋgal talŋa- ‘tell a secret, tip off’ (= ‘pierce the ears’) talŋa- ‘ear’
-ŋgal-rāma ‘teach (s.o.), instruct (s.o.)’ rāma ‘be together’
-ŋgal-sek pa A ‘forbid someone from doing s.t.’ -sek ??

Among the expressions in (13) is (in two versions), -kuru/-ŋgal sua pa A ‘accuse A falsely’. It includes the noun sua ‘talk’. Mangap has many speech act expressions that include sua, and a sample is listed in (14).

Compound gloss semi-literal gloss
-ur sua pa A ‘order A, command A’ ‘put talk to A’
-piri sua pa A ‘curse A, speak badly to A’ ‘toss (bad) talk at A’
-gībi sua pa A ‘curse A, speak badly to A’ ‘throw talk at A’
-suk sua pa A ‘accuse A’ ??
-tōro sua ‘speak figuratively’ ‘turn talk’
-kam sua pa A ‘rebuke A, exhort A’ ‘do talk to/about A’
-kam sua bōzo pa A ‘complain about A’ ‘do a lot of talk about A’
-mbuk sua pa A pa B ‘promise A concerning B’ ‘tie talk to A concerning B’
-la sua lelē-ne ‘have an in-depth discussion’ ‘go (to) the talk’s inside’
-so le-A sua ‘have a chat with A’ ‘say A’s talk’

The last entry above perhaps needs explanation. The noun sua ‘talk’ is indirectly possessed, that is, the possessor suffix is attached not to the possessed noun sua but to the possessive classifier le- to give le-n sua ‘their talk’ in (15).10

    • Mangap (NNG)
      ‘The girls were having a chat.’ (more literally, ‘The girls were saying their talk.’)
      zin mōri ti-zzo le-n sua
      PL girl S:3P-REDUP.say PCL-P:3P talk

Finally, (13) includes four body-part expressions, -kuru kopo- ‘stir up, incite, provoke (s.o.)’, -kuru lele- ‘stir up, incite, provoke (s.o.)’, -ŋgal lele- ‘speak publicly, proclaim’, ŋgal talŋa- ‘tell a secret, tip off’, which include the body-part terms kopo- ‘stomach’, lele- ‘inside’ and talŋa- ‘ear’. Body-part terms play a large role in denoting emotions in Oceanic languages (vol.5, ch.9), and—not unexpectedly—Mangap kʷo- ‘mouth’ figures in a number of speech act expressions. Some of these appear in (16).

Compound gloss semi-literal gloss
kʷo- iŋgal ‘warn, remind’ ‘mouth pierces’
-yo kʷo- pa ‘complain about (s.o)’ ‘collect mouth concerning’
kʷo- i-belek pa ‘mock, ridicule (s.o)’ ‘mouth despises’
kʷo- i-kanan ‘nag, be after’ ‘mouth is biting/eating’
kʷo- i-pun ‘attack verbally, tear into, rip into’ ‘mouth hits’
kʷo- i-pusuk ‘urge, push someone to do s.t.’ ‘mouth pushes’
kʷo- i-sala OR i-se ‘raise one’s voice’ ‘mouth ascends’
kʷo- i-su ‘talk calmly’ ‘mouth descends’
kʷo- i-sala ŋwa- ‘order one’s superiors around’ ‘mouth ascends on top of’
kʷo- i-sala ute- ‘talk disrespectfully to people older than oneself’ ‘mouth goes over the head’
kʷo- sanāna ‘cry out, yell, scream, shriek’ ‘mouth is bad’

The grammar of these expressions is straightforward. The noun kʷo- ‘mouth’ essentially stands in for the speaker, so that in (17) kʷo-ŋ [mouth-P:1S] ‘my mouth’ stands in for ‘I’. As the subject of the clause is ‘my mouth’, the verb takes a third person singular subject coreferencing prefix i-.

    • Mangap (NNG)
      ‘I mocked that girl…’
      kʷo-ŋ i-belek pa mōri tana ….
      mouth-P:1S S:3S-mock PREP girl DEM

The distribution across Oceanic languages of compounds like those in Mangap is impossible to ascertain, as typically neither dictionaries nor grammars pay much attention to them. However, Lewo (NCV) makes plentiful use of speech act compounds that resemble those in (11) and (12). These are described by Early (1993), and (18) gives a selection of his examples.11

Compound gloss semi-literal gloss
visa-ari ‘promise’ say-duration
visa-kare ‘criticise’ say-spoil
visa-lupʷari ‘forbid’ say-prohibit
visa-wali ‘announce’ say-away
visa-mumu ‘grumble’ say-crush
visa-lawe ‘say without thinking’ say-thoughtless
visa-lua ‘command’ say-separate
visa-ro ‘interrupt’ say-divide
visa-yu ‘discuss’ say-extend
viun-kare ‘ask impolitely, be nosey’ ask-spoil

Motu (PT) gʷau ‘say, speak’ behaves like Lewo visa ‘say’, as a glance at Lister-Turner & Clark’s (1954) dictionary shows. Wayan Fijian tata ‘say, speak’ behaves similarly, as shown by the examples from Pawley & Sayaba’s (2022) dictionary listed in (19).

Compound gloss second element with gloss
tata beði- ‘speak belittlingly of s.o.’ beði ‘fail to show respect for s.o.’
tata ðakaðā ‘swear or speak vulgarly’ ðakaðā ‘be bad, of poor quality’
tata leke ‘speak briefly’ leke ‘be short’
tata moðe ‘talk in one’s sleep’ moðe ‘sleep’
tata musuki- ‘interrupt s.o.’ musu ‘be cut crossways’
tata gʷau ‘boast, tbe a loud mouth’ gʷau ‘be too big, over-sized’
tata matani- ‘scold or criticise s.o. to their face’ mata ‘opening, interstices as in the mesh of a net’
tata sese ‘speak idly’ sese ‘without normal constraints’
tata vaka-mōmō ‘speak with dignity’ mōmō ‘chief’ (vaka- MANNER)
tata ðadruðadru ‘stutter, stammer’ ðadruðadru ‘keep picking things out’
tata āsagasaga ‘speak in a trembling voice’ āsagasaga ‘be unsteady, shake’

However, one cannot assume that all Oceanic languages function like Mangap or Lewo. A search of the Wayan dictionary suggests that not many Wayan speech act verbs behave like this. Instead, there are many different lexical verbs, and the language also employs derivational affixes to produce verbs with senses that are sometimes not predictable from the root. Thus tata occurs in a basic transitive tata-ni- ‘speak to (s.o.)’, an applicative tata-takini- ‘talk about (s.t), complain or speak angrily about (s.t.)’, a reciprocal vī-tata-ni ‘converse, talk to one another’, and a frequentative tātata, ‘talk a lot, be talkative’. The verb kʷai ‘say (s.t.), mention (s.t.)’ (transitive: kʷaya) appears not to occur in compound expressions, but only in derived forms: the frequentatives kʷakʷai (transitive: kʷakʷaiti-) ‘gossip (about s.o.), talk critically or slanderously about s.o. in their absence’ and kʷaya-kʷaya ‘keep mentioning (s.t.), keep talking about (s.t.)’. The same is evidently true of (transitive: rōti-) ‘send a request to s.o. (asking for s.t.), give information to s.o.’ with its derived forms vaka-roti- ‘go and tell (s.o.)’ (vaka- causative) and vīrōroti ‘invite or summon people, bring in or gather people or animals’. Similar derivations occur with many other speech verbs.

2. Reconstructing Oceanic speech act and speech manner verbs

Various obstructions stand in the way of speech act verb reconstruction. One is their lability, (§12.1.2). Another is that reconstructions are often difficult to gloss. This, too, is partly due to lability: the meaning of a POc speech verb’s reflexes can change considerably as one moves eastward. But, more importantly, it is because many sources gloss them too briefly, leaving us with no information as to which class(es) of speech act verb a verb belongs to or, if the verb is transitive, whether its object is the speaker’s addressee or an indirect speech complement or a piece of direct speech (§12.1.1). Reconstructing POc usage is thus fraught with uncertainties.

One development that occurs at various times and places in the development of Oceanic speech act verbs is the occasional grammaticalisation of one of these verbs as a complementiser.

The first stage in this development is represented by Paamese (NCV). In (20) the verb -vit ‘say’ functions as a report verb. In (21) it is the second verb of a serial verb construction that consists of the question verb -vīsi- ‘ask (s.o a question)’ and -vit ‘say’. Here -vit simply has the function of introducing the complement clause, but it is syntactically a verb, as it takes a subject prefix (‘they asked me … they said…’).

    • Paamese (NCV): (Crowley 1992:20)
      ‘They said that the two of them were killed by sorcery.’ (more literally: ‘They said that sorcery ate the two of them.’)
      a-vit [eimas kan keilu]
      S:3P-say sorcery eat D:3D
    • Paamese (NCV): (Crowley 1982:74)
      ‘They asked me if my canoe had capsized.’
      a-vīsi-nau a-vit [vakili ona-k mat]
      S:3P-ask-O:1S S:3P-say canoe PCL-P:1S die

Nêlêmwa (NCal) represents the second step. In (22) the verb xabʷe ‘say’ functions as a report verb and is preceded by a subject pronoun.

    • Nêlêmwa (NCal): (Bril 2002:457)
      ‘He said he would not come.’
      i xabʷe [io kio i uya]
      S:3S say FUTURE NEGATIVE S:3S arrive

In (23), xabʷe follows the verb fāɣēn ‘ask’, but this is no longer a serial construction like (21), as xabʷe has lost its subject pronoun and become grammaticalised as a complementiser. Example (24) confirms this nicely, as it contains the verb i u xabʷe ‘he said’ and then the complementiser xabʷe that no longer has semantic function, only the syntactic function of introducing the complement.

    • Nêlêmwa (NCal): (Bril 2002:460)
      ‘I asked what that noise was.’
      na fāɣēn [xabʷe buca da hōli]
      S:1S ask C noise what that

    • Nêlêmwa (NCal): (Bril 2002:457)
      ‘He said to Pwaili that he would leave.’
      ix u xabʷe ʃi pʷayiliy [xabʷe io ix u ã]
      S:3S PERFECTIVE say PREP P. C FUT S:3S PERFECTIVE depart

A third stage in this development occurs when a complementiser is phonologically reduced. Some of these appear in the cognate sets below.

3. Complement-taking speech act verbs

Reflexes of the report, question, influence and commitment verbs reconstructed in §§12.3.1–12.3.5 are commonly found with an indirect speech complement, as described in §12.1, and one may infer that this was also true of the reconstructed verbs.

Some of the POc report verbs reconstructed below were very probably also used in senses that went beyond their speech act senses. Data supporting this inference are given in §12.6.

3.1. Report verbs

We infer from the glosses in the cognate sets below that POc *kʷa/*kʷai- and *pʷa/*pʷai-, both ‘say, tell’, were perhaps the most neutral POc report verbs. Their similarity in form is probably fortuitous, and we see no difference in reconstructable meaning. Reflexes of both are well distributed across Oceania, although there are areas where one or the other predominates: *kʷa/*kʷai in Guadalcanal (SES), in northern Vanuatu and in Fiji; *pʷa/*pʷai in Western Oceanic, in Malaita (SES), in central Vanuatu and in Polynesia. The two coexist in Micronesia.

Some of the reflexes of both verbs are complementisers, glossed simply with (C). We infer that complementisers of the form ka reflect intransitive *kʷa, while those of the form ke reflect transitive *kʷai-. A parallel observation applies to complementiser reflexes of *pʷa/*pʷai-, but with complications due to the reflexes of *pʷ-, which are discussed in connection with POc *pʷaca(q) below. Maskelynes ke, true to the description in §12.2, is an instance of a form that survives as both a verb and a complementiser, like Nêlêmwa xabʷe in (23) and (24). The same is true of NE Ambae -vo and Mafea -v.

Just a few reflexes of *kʷa, *kʷai- appear also to be influence verbs, either because their glosses show this (Arosi, Kosaean, Rotuman) or because we have influence examples (Vurës). Similarly there are influence examples of reflexes of *pʷa, *pʷai- (Tolai, Papapana, Mwotlap, Kosraean and Marshallese). These seem to be an extensions of the use of a ‘say’ verb in various languages rather than a feature reconstructable to POc.

POc *kʷa was inherited from a PMP form which Reid (2012) writes *kuwá, with final stress. It is easy to see that this might have been pronounced *kʷa.

PAn *kuaS say’ (Wolff 2010: 878) 12
PMP *kuwá say’ (Reid 2012)
POc *kʷa, *kʷai- say, tell’ (Ross 2011: 29-30)
Adm Seimat ka-k talk’ (reduplication?)
Adm Seimat ka [C]
NNG Gitua ɣai say, tell
NNG Mumeng kəy-aŋ [N] ‘speech, talk’ (-aŋ NOM)
PT Gapapaiwa kae tell a story, ask (a question), ask (for s.t.)
MM Halia ka [C]
MM Blablanga o-ʔoe say
MM Kokota oe-ni say
SES Gela ko-koe converse’ (reduplication)
SES Birao koe- say
SES Talise koe- say
SES Lengo kɔe- say
TM Äiwoo kɒ- say, think, want to
NCV Vurës kʷa-kʷ talk, speak, say’ (reduplication)
NCV Mwotlap ka-ka tell story’ (reduplication)
NCV Lonwolwol ke [C]
NCV Rerep ke [C]
NCV Maskelynes -ke say
NCV Maskelynes ke [C]
NCV Port Sandwich -ka, -kae say
SV Anejom̃ -ka say
PMic *kai inform’ (Bender et al. 2003a)
Mic Kosraean kai talk to; warn, advise; admonish, instruct, persuade
Mic Chuukese æ tell it, sing it
Mic Carolinian æ- [N, VI] ‘say, speak
Mic Woleaian xāi-u tell, mention, say
Mic Ulithian kay-a say
PCP *kʷai say, tell
Fij Rotuman ʔe- say, tell, instruct, request
Fij Wayan kʷai- say s.t., mention s.t., talk about s.o.
Fij Nadrau kʷay-a say’ (Geraghty 1983: 45)
Fij Bauan kai say’ (mostly used in kai-naki ‘it is said’)
Pn Tongan ke [C]
Pn Tuvalu [C]
PNPn *kai traditional story
Pn Tikopia kai traditional tale’ (originally from Firth)
Pn Nukuoro kai legend, story
Pn Kapingamarangi kai recount, history of
Pn Nukuria kai legend, story
Pn Māori kai riddle, puzzle, toy
Pn Tuamotuan ka-kai story, tale, fable

It is tempting to associate POc *pʷa/*pʷai- ‘say, tell’ with *[pʷa]pʷa(q) ‘inner mouth’ (vol.5:128), but it seems more probable that this is a chance resemblance. The earliest convincing ancestor of *pʷa/*pʷai- is reconstructable as PCEMP *bai ‘say’. Non-Oceanic evidence for the latter consists of PCMP *bei ‘say’ (ACD) and PSHNG *ba/*be.13

The forms listed under ‘cf. also’ are probably reduplications of reflexes of *pʷa and *pʷai-.

PCEMP *bai say
POc *pʷa, *pʷai- say, tell
Adm Mussau ba [C]
Adm Wuvulu pa [C]
Adm Lou pa say
Adm Baluan pʷa say, express, think
Adm Pak pʷay say, tell
Adm Titan pʷa say
Adm Kele -pe say
Adm Loniu -pʷay [VT] ‘say
NNG Mangap be [C]
NNG Kaulong vo talk, say, speak; suppose, intend
NNG Bebeli pʷa say, express, think
NNG Mato ba [C]
NNG Gedaged pai tell, say, speak to, declare, impart, announce, acquaint, proclaim
NNG Manam be [C]
NNG Yabem -be think, mean, want
NNG Yabem (ge)be [C] ‘it means
NNG Labu -pɛ say
NNG Mumeng vʸa [N] ‘talk, language, speech, animal noise’ (vʸ- < POc *pʷ-)
PT Misima ba say
PT Bunama be [C]
PT Tawala -pa say
PT Tawala pa [C]
PT Motu -gʷa [VI] ‘speak
MM Nakanai vei- [VT] ‘say
MM Tabar va [C]
MM Tolai ba [C]
MM Tolai ve tell’ (Franklin et al. 1974)
MM Papapana wa [VT] ‘say
MM Banoni va say
MM Sisiqa say
SES Lau bae speak, talk, say, tell’ (also in compounds)
SES Lau bae-a [N] ‘speech, word
NCV Ambae -vo say
NCV Mafea -v say
NCV Sa [C]
NCV Tirax -ve say, tell
NCV Atchin wa [C]
NCV Lewo ve [IRREALIS] ‘say
NCV Lewo pe [REALIS] ‘say
NCal Paicî páa speak, discuss
PMic *pʷā [VT] ‘tell’ (Bender et al. 2003a)
Mic Kosraean fæ-k [VT] ‘say, tell, announce
Mic Marshallese pʷa [VT] ‘tell
Mic Marshallese pʷe (C, DEONTIC)
Mic Mokilese pʷa [V; C] ‘say
Mic Ponapean pʷa say
Mic Woleaian fʷe [C]
Mic Ulithian vʷo [C]
Pn Tongan fai do, utter, tell
Pn Tongan pe [C]
Pn Samoan fai do, say
Pn Samoan fai mai, fai atu say
Pn Tuvalu fai say
cf. also:
SES Longgu vava speak
PNCV *vava speak, say
NCV Mota vava speak, say
NCV Lolovoli veve tell (s.o. s.t.), tell (s.o. to do s.t.)
NCV Raga veve say
NCV Tamambo veve(nasa) whisper’(Jauncey 2011b: 397)
NCV Apma vep say, speak

POc *pʷaca(q), *pʷaca(q)i- ‘speak, say’ appears to have been a straightforward report verb. The near-absence of ‘tell’ from the glosses of its reflexes suggests that it it was not used as an influence verb. Exceptions are the Tawala transitive form bahe- and Gela bosa-, which are recorded in both report and influence constructions.

Intransitive *pʷaca(q) may have been used in the sense of ‘speak’, i.e. to denote the act of speaking. The glosses of the Tawala, Gela, Longgu, Chuukese and Boumaa Fijian reflexes suggest that this POc form was also used as a noun meaning ‘word, speech, language’.

The reconstruction of the POc consonant *pʷ is discussed in vol.1:16, and it has since been investigated in some detail by Lynch (2002e). Its rarity of occurrence means that its reflexes have not been fully formulated. Lynch (2002e:337) finds that it is in any case unstable. The sequence *pʷa often becomes *po or *bo, or simply *pa, and it is a combination of these reflexes that points to POc *pʷa, as Lynch’s examples show. This is also true of the cognate set below.

Given the overall rarity of forms in POc *pʷa-, one wonders whether there is a historical connection between *pʷaca(q) below and *pʷa above, but if there is, it probably lies too far back in time to be elucidated.

PAn *bajaq tell, inform, ask, enquire, know, understand’ (ACD)
POc *pʷaca(q) [V] ‘speak’; [N] ‘word, speech, language
POc *pʷaca(q)i- speak (s.t.), say (s.t.)
Adm Lou poso-ek talk slowly
NNG Bariai -posa-posa speak
NNG Kove -posa speak
NNG Sio pai speak to someone; address’ (-i < POc *-s/C)
PT Tawala -baha [VI] ‘speak, talk’; [N] ‘word
PT Tawala -bahe [VT] ‘tell (s.o.)
MM West Kara ve-bos speak
MM Teop boha [VT] ‘say (s.t.), speak, talk, converse
SES Gela bosa [V; N] ‘say, speak, talk, tell, command; word, command)
SES Lengo bosa say
SES Longgu bosa [N] ‘word, language
SES Arosi potaʔi [VT] ‘beg, beseech; ask for s.t.
PNCV *vʷasa speak, say
NCV Nokuku ve-vas invite
NCV Kiai vosai advice, admonishment
NCV Tamambo vasa speak
NCV Namakir (manu)vas title of man who speaks on behalf of the chief
NCV Nguna vasa talk, speak, preach
Fij Bauan vosa speak, talk
Fij Bauan vosa-k- speak to
Fij Boumā vosa [V; N] ‘speak, talk; language, word

Cognate sets supporting the reconstructions below are far more limited than those above, and the data do not show whether these were complement-taking verbs.

The distribution of reflexes of *bʷala ‘say, speak’ is sufficient to support a POc reconstruction.

POc *bʷala say, speak
NNG Mato bo say
NNG Mato bala tell (s.o. to do s.t.)
NNG Gedaged -bol speak
NNG Takia -bol say (s.t.), speak, tell story
NNG Ulau-Suain -bʷar speak
PT Gumawana bo-bʷala speak about (s.t.)
NCV Maskelynes bʷol (mai-i) tell (story to her/him)
Fij Wayan bolē offer to (do s.t.)

It is possible that PWOc *sowa, *sowai- ‘say, speak’ was a reflex of PMP *sau ‘word; talk; conversation; language’ (ACD). Although the ACD’s gloss classes this as a noun, its non-Oceanic reflexes show that it was also a verb root.

PWOc *sowa, *sowai- say, speak
NNG Mangap -so speak
NNG Mangap -so-soa speak
NNG Sio sowe speak
NNG Mindiri suawi speak
MM Teop sue say
MM Tinputz soē say (s.t.); parable
cf. also:
NCV Mwotlap so [C]

The cognate set supporting PEOc *bata ‘speak, utter’ is entirely from Bender et al. (2003b).

PEOc *bata speak, utter
SES Kwaio bā(tafe-) praise, extol’ (tafe- ‘praise, cheer, applaud’)
SES Sa’a pā(lahe) praise’ (lahe- ‘praise, extol’)
PChk *pata spoken, said, uttered’ (Bender el al. 2003b)
Mic Puluwatese (a)paha say s.t.
Mic Mortlockese (a)pasa say s.t.
Mic Mortlockese (kka)pas word, speech, talk, language
Mic Chuukese (a)pasa speak, utter it
Mic Chuukese (kka)pas talk, speech, utterance, language; talk, speak
Mic Satawalese (a)pasa speak about it
Mic Carolinian (a)pasa say s.t.
Mic Carolinian (kka)pas word, speech, talk, language

3.2. Report/influence verbs

The reconstructed forms in this section appear to have been used both as report verbs and as influence verbs, as described in §12.1.

The most widely reflected of these is POc *waRa, *waRai- ‘say (to s.o.), tell (s.o.)’. The Mussau, Wuvulu (Adm) and Siar (MM) reflexes are known to be used as both report and influence verbs, the Araki (NCV) reflex as an influence verb, and the Mafea (NCV) reflex as a report verb. In Araki and NE Ambae the object is the addressee. In Mussau and Wuvulu the object is the complement. In Siar the object is the complement when warai is used as a report verb but the addressee when it is used as an influence verb. We have inferred that POc *waRai- behaved like Siar, as the other configurations can be derived from it via analogy, but this is weak evidence.

This verb was evidently already present in PEMP, as there is an EMP reflex, Dusner (CB) vre ‘say’.

POc *waRa, *waRai- say (s.t.), tell (s.o. to do s.t.)
Adm Mussau ue say, tell
Adm Wuvulu ware say
Adm Lou war call
PT Sudest vare tell
MM Sursurunga wor speak’ (occurs only as first verb in a compound)
MM Sursurunga wor-wor [VI] ‘talk, converse
MM Siar warai [VT] ‘say (s.t.), tell (s.o. to do s.t.)
MM Ramoaaina wara-ŋa [N, VI] ‘call, name’ (nominalisation)
MM Label wara speak
MM Konomala were-k speak
PSES *waRa- speak’ (Geraghty 1990: 80)
SES Lau kʷala curse, use bad language, mention human dung
SES Lau kʷala-ŋi- curse, swear at
SES Kwaio kʷala blame, accusation
SES Kwaio kʷala- [N] ‘voice
SES ’Are’are wara speak
SES ’Are’are wara- word, voice, speech, sound, language
SES Sa’a wala- word, speech, voice, language
SES Sa’a wala-aʔi [VT] ‘speak
SES Sa’a wala-ʔaŋa speech
SES Ulawa wala-ʔa [N, VT] ‘speak’ (ADJ used as VERB)
SES Arosi (rai ni) wara [N] ‘speech at a gathering to collect a debt
PNCV *vʷara speak, say, call’ (Clark 2009)
NCV Mota vʷara the cry of an owl; to cry in that way
NCV Lolovoli ware call (s.o.)’ (Catriona Malau, pers. comm.)
NCV Raga ware call, beckon
NCV Kiai vara-vara speak, talk
NCV Kiai vara [N] ‘language, story
NCV Araki vara tell, say
NCV Mafea -varai tell
NCV Sa war speak, say
NCV Nese var tell, say
NCV Big Nambas -ð̼ara call out
NCV Labo wor yarn, tell stories, talk,
NCV Naman var say, think
NCV Neve’ei vʷer say
NCV Uripiv wera say
NCV Rerep forei says it
NCV Nguna pa-vara say
Pn Takuu vā- [VT] ‘say
Pn Hawaiian [N, VI] ‘make a noise; gossip, talk loudly back and forth, to reason

It is difficult to see a difference in meaning between POc *pʷiti((r,R)), *pʷiti((r,R))i- ‘say (s.t.), tell (s.o. to do s.t.)’ below and POc *waRa, *waRai- above. Evidence that the former was used as both a report and an influence verb is relatively strong. Its reflexes in Buma, Tamambo, Paamese and Tirax are all used as both. Its reflexes in Mangap, Sursurunga and Vinitiri are used as influence verbs, those in Tolai and Lewo as report verbs.

The POc form was apparently inherited from PEMP, as there is a cognate in the Raja Ampat language Biga (= Misool), namely bitino ‘say’. As usual, the parentheses around stem-final *r, *R indicate that we cannot tell whether the POc consonant was *r or *R. The extra set of parentheses says that, as we have only reflex, Minigir vitiri, the presence of the stem-final consonant is uncertain.

POc *pʷiti((r,R)), *pʷiti((r,R))i- say (s.t.), tell (s.o. to do s.t.)
NNG Mangap -pit talk; tell story
MM Sursurunga bit tell (s.o. to do s.t.)
MM Minigir vitiri say (that s.o. should do s.t.)’ (van der Mark 2007)
MM Tolai biti [V, VC] ‘say
SES Kahua visi- say
PNCV *viti speak, say’ (Clark 2009: *veti)
NCV Mota vet say, speak, give the word; lead off (a song)
NCV Nduindui viti say
NCV Nokuku veti- say
NCV Tamambo viti speak, talk, tell story; say (to s.o. to do s.t.)
NCV Tamambo viti- tell (s.t.)’ (Jauncey 2011b: 397)
NCV Paamese vit [V, C] ‘say’ (see §12.2)
NCV Paamese vite-ni- say (to s.o. to do s.t.)
NCV Tirax -vɛr say (to s.o. to do s.t.)
NCV Labo -mbiti say
NCV Port Sandwich uc speak, talk
NCV Port Sandwich uc-in-i speak somebody
NCV Lewo visi talk, pass on message
NCV Baki veri say
NCV Bieria mbetin say
NCV Namakir vet-og tell, say, speak

3.3. Question verbs

Somewhat surprisingly only three high-order question verbs can be reconstructed, one each for POc, PWOc and PEOc. Why so few? In our construction data there are a number of languages for which we found no examples of indirect questions, probably because indirect speech is infrequent in texts, and indirect questions are rarer than report or influence constructions. On the other hand our search for question verbs in lexical sources found plenty, but they do not form cognate sets. How is this explained? Words that are less frequently used are replaced more rapidly than more frequently used words, and this is perhaps why there are so few question verb reconstructions, and why the reconstructions that can be inferred have relatively few reflexes.

A single question verb is tentatively reconstructed to POc, *nanasa, *nanasai- ‘ask’. Its question verb reflexes are restricted to WOc, as the Arosi reflex is not a question verb.

POc *nanasa, *nanasai- ask
PT Motu he-nanadai ask
MM Bola nana, nane- ask
MM Roviana nanasa, nanasi- ask
MM Hoava nanasa-ni- request
SES Arosi nanasi wait for, expect

It is hard to be sure of the meaning of PWOc *tore. Only the Lukep and Iduna reflexes are question verbs. The reflexes in the close relatives Maringe and Kokota are influence verbs, but this is not completely surprising, as the shift from ‘ask a question’ via ‘ask whether s.o. will do s.t.’ (still a question) to ‘ask s.o. to do s.t.’ (an influence construction) is intuitively quite probable, even if infrequent (see §12.1.2). The shift to a report verb in Notsi, however, is curious, but we would need far more than the available data in order to elucidate this.

If the Kwaio form reflects *to(r,R)e, then the reconstruction is promoted to POc.

PWOc *tore ask, enquire’ (?)
NNG Lukep -toru ask
PT Iduna toli enquire
PT Iduna toli-ena enquire about s.t.
MM Notsi tole speak
MM Maringe tore ask for, make a request
MM Maringe tore-ni ask (s.o. to do s.t.)
MM Kokota tore- ask (s.o. to do s.t.)
cf. also:
SES Kwaio olisi- ask, question; replace

PEOc *vaizu/*vaizuni- is a more solid reconstruction than either of those above.

PEOc *vaizu, *vaizuni- ask, enquire
SES West Guadalcanal vesu- ask
SES Talise vaisu- ask
SES Malango veisu- ask
NCV Lewo viun ask
Pn Tongan fehuʔi ask, inquire
Pn Nukuoro heui ask question

To the three reconstructions above, we add the following cognate set, but make no reconstruction, as there is a semantic mismatch between the three MM languages clustered around the St George Channel between southern New Ireland and northeastern New Britain, and the Malaita-Makira languages (SES). Reflexes in the St George languages are all glossed ‘ask’, whereas those in the Malaita-Makira languages are all report verbs. We are encouraged to think that they may reflect PSES *tili- by the fact that the one NCV reflex is also a report verb. This would allow us to reconstruct a POc speech act verb *tiRi-, but what exactly would it mean?

MM Ramoaaina tiri ask
MM Minigir tiri ask
MM Tolai tir ask
SES Longgu ili- say it, tell it
SES Lau ili-ʔai- tell (news)
SES Kwaio ili- say, tell, think
SES ’Are’are iri- say, speak, talk, tell
SES Oroha iri say
NCV Lelepa til say

It is not clear whether PNCV *usi- meant ‘ask (a question)’ or ‘ask (s.o. for s.t.)’. As noted above, the shift from ‘ask (a question)’ to ‘ask (s.o. for s.t.)’ is probable. A shift in the opposite direction seems less likely, so PNCV *usi is included here rather than in §12.3.4.

PNCV *usi ask’ (Clark 2009)
NCV Vurës vör-us ask
NCV Mota var-us ask, enquire, enquire for
NCV Baetora usi ask
NCV Nduindui uhi ask
NCV Nokuku usi ask, ask for
NCV Tolomako usi call, invite
NCV Kiai usi- ask, ask for
NCV Tangoa a-usi ask
NCV Mafea -us ask
NCV Paamese vīsi- [VT] ‘ask (s.o. for s.t.)
NCV Nese us ask (s.o.)
NCV Naman us-us ask (a question), ask (s.o. for s.t.)
NCV Neve’ei wus-wus ask (s.o.)
NCV Uripiv os-us-i ask
NCV Maskelynes -us [VT] ‘ask

PPn had two question verbs that are reflected across the whole subgroup: *huqi ‘ask (a question)’ and *sili ‘ask questions’.

PPn *huqi ask (a question)
Pn Tongan fe-huʔi- ask
Pn Nukuoro he-ui- question carefully
Pn Pukapukan ui ask
Pn Rarotongan ui ask
Pn Tahitian ui to question
Pn Tuamotuan ui ask a question
Pn Hawaiian ui ask
Pn Māori ui ask, enquire
Pn Marquesan ui to question
Pn Mangarevan ui to question
PPn *sili ask questions
Pn Tongan fe-hili ask
Pn Samoan fe-sili ask, question, inquire
Pn East Futunan ve-sili ask
Pn Luangiua va-sili ask
Pn Pileni fe-ili-a ask
Pn Pukapukan yili-yili ask, question
Pn Rennellese he-sigi ask questions, inquire
Pn Tikopia siri ask, inquire
Pn Tikopia fe-siri ask, inquire
Pn Tokelauan fe-hili question, inquire

3.4. Influence verbs

It was noted in §12.3.2 that there appear to have been POc verbs that served as both report and influence verbs. We also mentioned in §12.3.3 that some question verbs meaning ‘ask (s.o. a question)’ seem to have had the influence sense ‘ask (s.o. to do s.t.)’. This leaves only a few other influence verbs, all meaning ‘ask s.o. for s.t.’, ‘ask s.o. to give self s.t.’.

The two sets supporting POc *noŋi and PEOc *noqi below entail some formal puzzles. In fact, we infer that they have a single origin, but we have few data to undergird this inference.

The regular reflex of PMP *ŋeni is POc *ŋoni, but the latter is reflected only in Labu and in an alternant Arosi form. All other Oceanic forms reflect a metathesised *noŋi, the form reconstructed by Milke (1968). We surmise with Blust (ACD) that Arosi ŋoni may be a chance (re)metathesis.

The second set, reflecting putative PEOc *noqi, is suspect on two grounds. First, it is reflected only in Guadalcanal (in Ghari and Tolo) and in Pn languages. Gela, in the same major subgroup within SES as Ghari and Tolo, reflects *noŋi. Second, the Ghari and Tolo forms are not regular cognates of PPn *noqi. The expected cognate form is †noɣi or †noi.

A possible explanation of the the Ghari and Tolo forms is that speakers reanalysed reflexes of *noŋi as transitives. In many EOc languages the transitive is marked by -Ci, where C is one of several consonants, and so *noŋi was apparently reanalysed as *no-ŋi, giving an intransitive root *no, reflected in Ghari. This *no in turn became the root of newly innovated transitives like *no-ki (cf Tolo noki) or PPn *no-qi.

There is another minor complication in the reflexes of POc *noŋi. The Central Papuan languages Aroma, Motu, Gabadi and Roro have forms that could reflect *noŋi, *noki or *noqi. They are interpreted as reflexes of *noŋi because this is the source of all other WOc forms.

PMP *ŋeni beg, ask for’ (ACD)
POc *noŋi, *ŋoni beg, ask (for s.t.)’ (Milke 1968: *noŋi; ACD: *ŋoni)
NNG Tami noŋ beg
NNG Labu ŋʊ- ask
NNG Mangseng noŋ beg, pray, shout
PT Aroma noɣi-noɣi beg
PT Motu -noi- [VT] ‘ask for s.t.
PT Gabadi noi-noi ask for, beg
PT Roro noi-noi beg
MM East Kara nuŋ ask a favour; pray to a spirit
MM Label nuŋ ask for
SES Gela noŋi ask for
SES Gela noŋi- ask him, ask for s.t.
SES Arosi ŋoni, noŋi ask for, beg
SES Owa noŋi [VT] ‘ask for s.t.

PEOc *noqi ask for, beg’ (?)
SES Ghari no-no ask for
SES Tolo noki- ask for, request
PEPn *noqi ask for, solicit’ (POLLEX)
Pn Pukapukan noi-noi be greedy
Pn Rapanui no-noʔi ask, beg, request, implore, pray, solicit
Pn Rarotongan noi-noi covet, desire greedily
Pn Māori (i)noi beg, ask for s.t.
Pn Hawaiian noi ask for s.t., make a request

Compared with the above, POc *suga, *sugai- ‘ask s.o. for .s.t.’ is a straightforward reconstruction.

POc *suga, *sugai- ask s.o. for .s.t.
NNG Mangap suŋ [VI] ‘ask s.o. for .s.t.
MM Tolai uge agree; sing in tune with s.o.
PSES *suga, *sug(a,e)ti- desire (s.t.), ask for (s.t.)
SES Gela huga, hugati keep talking about a gift
SES Birao suŋeti- ask
SES Talise suge ask
SES ’Are’are suka ask to be given (s.t.)
SES Sa’a suke beg, ask for (s.t.), borrow, ask permission
SES Arosi sukat- long for, grieve for
Fij Bauan suge try to obtain, stir s.o. up

POc *taman ‘ask’ is something of a mystery, in two respects. First, we cannot provide a more specific gloss than ‘ask’ because only the non-Admiralties reflexes below have extended glosses. Second, the initial consonant of the Admiralties reflexes other than Seimat—members of the Eastern Admiralties subgroup—reflects Proto E Admiralty *ntaman. Whilst initial prenasalisation is expected on a noun, it is not expected on a verb (Ross 1988:337–341).

POc *taman ask
Adm Seimat ame-i ask
Adm Nyindrou dremeñ-a ask, question
Adm Loniu temen-ani [VT] ‘ask
Adm Bipi damen ask
Adm Sori-Harengan dimeŋ ask
MM Maringe tamn-ai prayer, church service’ (-ai < POc *-aki)
Fij Wayan taman-i ask s.o. to give services/help in a considerable task

3.5. Commitment verbs

It is possible that Longgu alaŋaʔi, Lau alaŋai, Wayan Fijian ala and Bauan Fijian yala reflect a PEOc *ala(ŋ) ‘promise’. Otherwise no reconstructions of commitment verbs have been made. One reason for this is that commitment verbs are the least frequently occurring of the four complement-taking classes of speech act verbs (§12.1.1). Another is that verbs meaning ‘promise’ are often compounds, as listed in (25).14 There is some evidence (Tolo, Tamambo, Lolovoli) that there was a PEOc term for ‘promise’ made up of the verbs ‘say’ and ‘put’ (POc *taRu(q), vol.5:449).

language speech act expression gloss semi-literal gloss
Mangap mbuk sua pa A pa B ‘promise A regarding B’ tie talk to A about B
Yabem sʊm su ‘promise (s.t.)’ say away
Motu gʷau-ha-mata ‘promise’ say-CAUSATIVE-foremost
Teop sue vaovoi ‘promise (s.t.)’ say bless
Zabana nakai uŋene ‘promise (s.t.)’ leave speak
Tolo koe talu ‘promise (s.t.)’ say put
Tamambo viti tauhi ‘promise (s.t.)’ say put-TR
Lolovoli vara-tau ‘promise (s.t.)’ say(?)-put
Lewo visa-ari ‘promise’ say-DURATION

4. Expressive speech act verbs

When speakers use an expressive speech act verb, they categorise the intention or meaning of a speech act. For this reason most expressive speech act verbs are not followed by a complement clause

4.1. Respond co-operatively to another speaker

The single verb in this category refers to interactive conversational structure. A questioning speech act requires an answer and an influencing speech act requires agreement to do what the influencer wants. That is, the first speaker looks for a co-operative response from the addressee, and this response is the meaning of POc *taRam, *taRami- ‘answer, agree’.

A minor formal mystery is that final -m of the root seems to have become *-mʷ- in the transitive form in NCV (Clark 2009).

The Admiralties forms under ‘cf. also’ seem at first sight to be reflexes of *taRami. However, they reflect a putative POc †*ja(Ra)mʷi, and we are at a loss as to how to explain the difference in the initial consonant from POc *t-.

PEMP *taRam [V] ‘answer, agree
CB Biak karem answer, assent
POc *taRam, *taRami- allow, agree, co-operate
NNG Yabem tɪlam [N, VI] ‘shout over distance
PT Misima talam let, allow, permit, give
PT Saliba talam [N, VI] ‘answer
MM Sursurunga taram [VI] ‘obey, cooperate; go along with, accede to
MM Sursurunga tərmai [VT] ‘obey
MM Ramoaaina taram obey, agree, serve, answer to a call
MM Patpatar taram obey, listen, hear
MM Tolai tarami [N, VI, VT] ‘obey, agree, consent
SES Gela tala- [VT] ‘answer; allow, permit; agree, be willing
SES Gela talam-aɣi [VT] ‘agree to, allow, obey
SES Kwaio ala agree
SES Kwaio alami- allow, permit
SES ’Are’are arami- [VT] ‘permit, consent, allow’ (ACD)
SES Sa’a ʔala, ʔala-ʔala answer, obey, give attention to
SES Arosi ara answer, agree mutually
SES Arosi arami- [VT] ‘answer, acknowledge, assent to
PNCV *taRamʷi allow, accept, agree’ (Clark 2009)
NCV Mota tarama [N, VI] ‘answer a call
NCV Mota taram-aɣ [N, VI] ‘answer another
NCV Nokuku tami, tame answer
NCV Kiai tame allow, consent
NCV Araki raɾami meaning, symbolic or magic significance
NCV Tamambo darami answer s.o.
NCV West Ambrym rɛma, rɛma-nɛ allow, let, agree (to)
NCV Port Sandwich ⁿramʷ-ini let, permit
NCV Atchin tamʷe salute, welcome, receive
NCV Lewo tamʷ-ani allow, permit, vote for; agree to, lend to, admit, confess’ (-ani TRANSITIVE)
cf. also:
Adm Lou samʷi answer
Adm Titan camʷi [VT] ‘agree, permit, reply
Adm Loniu cumʷi agree with

4.2. Tell a story

Storytelling was an important activity in perhaps all traditional Oceanic-speaking societies. The PNPn term *[ka]kai ‘traditional story’ is reconstructed in §12.3.1 above under POc *kʷa, *kʷai- ‘say, tell’. In §6.3.7 two speech-act verbs meaning ‘tell a story’ are reconstructed: POc *takunu ‘tell a story, narrate’ and PPn *tala ‘tell stories; tale, story’.

4.3. Call out

In a small community where many of the people one relates to are within hailing distance, calling out is a fairly frequent occurrence. It seems to fall into two distinct speech acts: calling out to greet or welcome someone (§12.4.3.1) and calling out to attract attention (§12.4.3.2).

4.3.1. Greet

The verb for calling out a greeting was evidently POc *paila/*pela. The form *paila is reflected only in Iduna, but the unidirectionality of sound change means that it is the older form, and *pela is (only slightly?) more recent.

POc *paila, *pela greet/welcome loudly; exclamation of welcome
POc *pelapela shout, exclaim’ (ACD)
Adm Drehet pele voice
NNG Kaulong pel shout, yell
NNG Takia pele greeting, welcome exclamation
PT Iduna -faina(ena) shout at, abuse angrily
MM Nakanai bela-bela talk about, gossip’ (b- for †p- or †v-)
MM Halia ele speak strongly, loudly, speak with authority’ (zero for †p or †h)
MM Roviana vela-vela shout (as an official at a gathering, or in anger, etc.)
SES Longgu velo- rouse on, get cross with
SV Anejom̃ pec greeting, reply to pō’ ( ’greeting to s.o. met suddenly)15
Fij Bauan velavela interjection of surprise

The only other form reconstructable with this meaning is POc *kʷaro, for which just three reflexes are known to us.

POc *kʷaro call out a greeting
Adm Lou -uaro hail, call out
Adm Nauna -ualu-y call out, hail (s.o.)
MM Patpatar karo shout at (s.o.) with words or beckoning) as a greeting

4.3.2. Call to attract attention

Two POc terms and one PEOc term meaning ‘call out to s.o.’ can be reconstructed. The first, *pato, *patoli- ‘say or call s.o.’s name; say, speak’ seems to be focussed on the act of calling itself. The second, *soRo(p) ‘call, summon’ also includes the intention to attract someone’s attention or to summon them. The third, *kai has a similar meaning to *soRo(p), but the glosses of its reflexes suggest an added element of forcefulness.

The *-l- of *patoli-, the transitive form, is reconstructed on the basis of the stem-final consonants of the Mangap, Kwaio and Arosi transitive reflexes.

POc *pato, *patoli- say or call s.o.’s name; say, speak
NNG Mangap -patil-i keep calling s.o.’s name
NNG Mengen pato say
NNG Mengen pato-e [V] ‘address s.o., call, name
NNG Takia -pate confer a name, call out (s.t.), say s.o.’s name
PT Sudest varo-varo call
PT Gumawana vatoi [N, VT] ‘say s.t.’ (-i TR)
PT Saroa vato [V] ‘to mention, say
PT Motu hato- pronounce a name
MM Lamasong pata say
MM Tinputz vatō talk
MM Torau ato speak
MM Hoava pato say
SES Gela patopato forbid
SES Kwaio faol-eʔenia talk out against, talk about one’s failure to meet norms of kinship obligation
SES Arosi haor-aʔi [VI] ‘give a name to
Mic Woleaian ffas [VI] ‘call
Fij Bauan vato utter a wish; invoke evil with a ceremony

Putative stem-final *-p of POc *soRo(p), *soRo(p)i- below is reconstructed on the basis of the stem-final consonants of the Arosi and Wayan Fijian transitive reflexes. However, the consonant can be reconstructed with certainty only for PEOc, as the only non-EOc transitive form, Minaveha hone-i, lacks a stem-final consonant.

POc *soRo(p), *soRo(p)i- call, summon
NNG Mapos Buang rɔ̄ express love, greet, send greetings
PT Minaveha hone-i call s.o.
MM Tolai oro call
SES Gela holo- [VT] ‘call, name
SES Tolo solo- [VT] ‘beckon, call by gesture
SES Arosi toro shout, give news
SES Arosi toroh-aʔi [VT] ‘shout to (s.o.)
NCV Araki soɾo [V; N] ‘talk, say; language, dialect
NCV Araki soɾoh-i speak of, mention
Mic Chuukese -o-sɔra, o-sɔrēy call, cause to be summoned
Fij Wayan ðō call, call out
Fij Wayan ðōv-i- call s.o. or s.t.. to come
Fij Wayan ðōv-akini- call for s.o. or s.t.

Although the forms listed below look as if they could be reflexes of POc *kʷa, *kʷai- ‘say, tell’ (§12.3.1), on closer inspection this is implausible, first because the base form of the reconstruction below is clearly *kai, whereas the base form of the reconstruction in §12.3.1 is *kʷa, and second because there is a clear difference in meaning between the set in §12.3.1 and the set below. Also to be noted is an extension of the meaning to the vocalisations of animals in the southernmost languages of the set, Nguna and Xârâcùù.

PEOc *kai call out to (s.o.), say forcefully
Proto Malaita-Makira *ɣai, *ɣai(li)- shout to s.o., insist on s.t.
SES Longgu aili- call s.o.
SES To’aba’ita ʔai shout, yell, call out
SES To’aba’ita ʔaili- shout to s.o., call s.o.
SES Kwaio ʔai- insist, force
SES Kwaio ʔai-taʔi be insistent, insist on s.t.
SES Arosi ʔai, ʔaiʔai- incite, urge
PNCV *kai call out (to s.o.), vocalise loudly’ (Clark 2009: ‘call out’)
NCV Raga (bi-)ɣai-ɣai argue
NCV Southeast Ambrym kei call
NCV Lonwolwol ke call, call out, mention
NCV Big Nambas ɣai sing
NCV Nāti ʔāi call, shout to
NCV Uripiv -kai cry out, shout
NCV Rerep ke cry out, shout, cooee
NCV Rerep ke-ke sing
NCV Port Sandwich kai call s.o.
NCV Port Sandwich ka-kai sing
NCV Nguna kai cry, sing (birds)
NCal Xârâcùù xa speak, bark, sound

4.4. Talk behind someone’s back

In any human community there are inevitably some speech acts that are perceived as unpleasant. These are the subject of this section, §12.4.5 and §12.4.6.

Blust’s reconstruction of PWMP *kunu ‘it is said, people say…’ (ACD) as an impersonal expression is supported by his western Malayo-Polynesian reflexes. He also cites Arosi ʔunu as a reflex, and this clearly belongs to the SES cognate set below. POc *kunu can be reconstructed, but without Admiralties or WOc reflexes its gloss is uncertain.

PMP *kunu it is said, people say…’ (ACD)
PSES *kunu gossip, talk negatively about s.o.
SES Gela kunu, kunuhi- beg
SES Kwaio kunu- gossip about be jealous of; accuse of infidelity
SES Sa’a ʔunua say, bid, tell, reckon
SES Arosi ʔunu speak, name, call
SES Arosi ʔunu-ʔunu slander, gossip, talk angrily, quarrel

4.5. Talk negatively to someone

The verb reconstructed below is reflected only in NNG and MM languages. The gloss ‘speak negatively or scornfully to (s.o.)’ is reconstructed on the basis of the Buang and Nakanai forms. They are far enough apart geographically and genealogically to be independent pieces of evidence. In the Schouten languages Wogeo and Manam, reflexes of *pile have lost their negative element and are verbs of speaking in general. The Kaulong reflex, it seems, cannot be explained without more local knowledge.

PWOc *pile speak negatively or scornfully to (s.o.)
NNG Kaulong pil sing to warn others of one’s presence, whistle to lure game
NNG Wogeo -fila-fila speak
NNG Manam pile [VI] ‘say; speak, talk
NNG Buang plɛ scoff, mock, inspect, examine
MM Nakanai vile [N, VI] ‘scorn, be critical of

4.6. Deceive, tell a lie

Working with dictionaries, it becomes obvious that many Oceanic-speaking communities recognised various degrees of lie-telling, rather like English fib, white lie and lie. Unfortunately, the available data do not allow us to rank the eight verbs of lie-telling reconstructed below, although POc *balau stands out as having a more specific gloss than the others.

POc *rupʷas, *rupʷasi- tell lies to s.o., deceive s.o.
NNG Takia -rpai tell
PT Tawala luposi lies regarding sex
PT Saliba lupoi trick s.o.’ (Margetts 1999: 280)
MM Roviana rupasa using different words to convey a certain meaning
NCV Paamese luvos [VI] ‘tell lies, pretend’ (-s unexpectedly retained)
NCV Paamese luvosi [VT] ‘trick, deceive; lie to
Mic Kosraean læfʌ [VT] ‘deny, deceive; disclaim, contradict’ (-f- for †0̸)

The three items that follow have few reflexes, but they are in each case sufficiently distributed genealogically for, respectively, a POc, a PEOc and a PCP reconstruction ro be made.

POc *koron lie, tell a lie’ (ACD)
Adm Mussau koron-ana false; lie’ (-ana ADJECTIVISER)
NNG Gedaged koɬ rumour, hearsay, tittle-tattle, gossip
NNG Manam koro, koro-koro lie, tell a lie
PEOc *sori(t) lie, tell a lie
SES Gela sori lie deliberately, cheat
SES Gela sori-sori false, lying
Fij Wayan ðori lie, tell lie/falsehood, fib
Fij Wayan ðori-ðori tell lies; a liar
Fij Wayan ðoriti- lie to (s.o.), deceive (s.o.)
Pn Māori hori speak falsely; false, untrue
PCP *lasu tell a lie, deceive
Fij Bauan lasu [V; ADJ; N] ‘tell a lie; false; a lie
Pn Luangiua lahu trick, deceive

POc *lami seems to have added an element of temptation or enticement to the telling of a lie.

POc *lami tell a lie
MM Sursurunga lem lie’ (lem is more serious than fibbing, but less serious than strong lying)
MM Ramoaaina lami tempt, tantalise, by offering and withdrawing
MM Tolai ləm entice, deceive, coax, tempt, decoy, tantalise, lead astray
Fij Bauan lami tell a lie’ (archaic)
Pn Tongan lami conceal from sight

Finally, POc *balau has non-Pn reflexes that appear simply to mean ‘lie’, but Pn reflexes that roughly mean ‘lie by exaggeration’. Unfortunately, evidence that would narrow down the meaning reflected in non-Pn languages is not known to us.

POc *balau lie (by exaggeration?)
Adm Lou parawa [N; ADJ] ‘lie; false’ (-r- for †-l-) (Blust 1998b)
NNG Kairiru bil lie
SES Bugotu pilau deceive’ (POLLEX)
SES Bugotu pia-pilau tell a lie’ (POLLEX)
PPn *palau lie by exaggeration’ (POLLEX)
Pn Tongan pālau talk much, do little
Pn Rarotongan parau pride, conceit
Pn Hawaiian pālau tell tall tales, exaggerate

5. Speech manner verbs

Speech manner verbs are those which refer to the manner in which an utterance is produced, without assigning a particular significance to the utterance,. The reconstructions in this section denote speaking loudly or shouting, whispering, stammering and speaking a foreign language or something that sounds like one.

The evidence for POc *kabat ‘call or speak loudly’ is drawn almost entirely from Micronesian reflexes, but the apparent cognacy of Lou (Adm) kapat ‘speak out’ and Nakanai (MM) aba ‘call, announce (loudly)’ makes this a POc term. However, the Lou and Nakanai terms attest to POc *kapʷat (or possibly *kabʷat), while the Micronesian forms reflect *kapʷata, with unexplained final *-a. Vangunu kepoto ‘say’ is shown under ‘cf. also’ because its gloss doesn’t match those of other cognates. It is a regular reflex of POc *kapʷat.

POc *kapʷat call or speak loudly
Adm Lou kapat speak out
MM Nakanai aba call, announce , esp. loudly
PChk *kapʷata call loudly, shout’ (Bender 2003b)
Mic Chuukese apʷas, akkapʷas shout or cry wehuhu as an exclamation at falling down or narrowly escaping an accident
Mic Puluwatese yapʷah shout
Mic Puluwatese yakkapʷaha shout
Mic Carolinian abʷas, akkabʷas shout, call loudly
Mic Carolinian abʷasǣxæli call loudly to s.o., call over to s.o.
Mic Satawalese apʷəs, akkapʷasa scream, shout
Mic Woleaian xefʷata yell, shout, bark
Mic Pulo Annian kkavʷatɨ scream, shout
cf. also:
MM Vangunu kepoto say

Only a few reflexes of POc *ŋulu ‘in a whisper’, *ŋulu-ŋulu (v) ‘whisper’ are known to us, but their distribution requires a POc reconstruction.

POc *ŋulu in a whisper
POc *ŋulu-ŋulu [V] ‘whisper
Adm Loniu (-pʷa)ŋunu-ŋun [VI] ‘whisper’ (-pʷa ‘say’)
NNG Sio ŋuru-ŋuru whisper
SES Kwaio (kʷala)ŋulu whisper’ (kʷala ‘speak’)
SES ’Are’are (wai)nuru murmur, whisper’ (wai does not occur independently)
cf. also:
SES Bugotu ŋuŋū whisper’ (-l- is absent)

It is possible that the two terms for ‘stammer’ below are independent innovations. A verb ta ‘speak’ occurs in Bola and Tolai, and it is possible that tata and tatata are onomatopoeic formations based on it.

PEOc *[ta]tata stammer’ (?)
SES Gela tatata stammer
Fij Bauan tata stammer, speak indistinctly

The two reconstructions below are verbs meaning ‘talk in a foreign languages’, but some reflexes of PROc *kato are perhaps metaphorical variations on the meaning. Proto Micronesian appears to have changed the final vowel from *-o to *-a.

It is just possible that PPn *kote does reflect PROc *kato, but with unexpected changes in its vowels.

PROc *kato [V] ‘speak a foreign language’; [N] ‘speech, language, foreign language
NCV Vurës ɣat say
NCV Mwotlap ɣatɣat [V; N] ‘speak, speak another language; language, dialect
NCV Mota ɣato [V; N] ‘speak, speak another language, talk nonsense in delirium; foreign language
NCV Lolovoli kato talk, speak
PMic *kata [N] ‘speech, language, foreign language’; [V] ‘talk, chatter, talk a foreign language’ (Bender 2003a: ‘talk loudly’)
Mic Kosraean kæs [N] ‘word, speech, language
Mic Kosraean kæs-kæs [V] ‘talk, chirp repeatedly
Mic Kiribati kaka(rabakau) talk together, conspire, plot insurrection’ (*t > k after *k)
Mic Marshallese kac, kkac-kac [N] ‘idiom, language, motto, pun, saying, slang
Mic Carolinian kkas, kkasa- [N] ‘language, speech
Mic Chuukese kasa-kas talk aloud
Mic Woleaian kkase [N; V] ‘speak in foreign language; foreign language

PPn *kote talk incomprehensibly, talk in a foreign language
Pn Tongan kote [VI] ‘talk in a foreign language, talk jargon
Pn Samoan ʔote scold, tell s.o. off
Pn East Futunan kote talk in a foreign language
Pn Tikopia kotē babble, chatter
Pn West Futunan kote speak a foreign language
Pn Māori kote-kote make a smacking noise with lips

6. Other uses of report verbs

In a number of Oceanic languages verbs with a report sense (§12.3.1) are also used like English ‘think’, in the sense of ‘opine’, as we noted in vol.5:542–544:

… OPINE is quite often expressed by a language’s default verb of saying, so that in Baluan (Adm), for example, it is sometimes difficult to tell whether the speaker intends the complement of pʷa to be spoken or simply thought (Dineke Schokkin, pers. comm.).

This is also true of Mangap (NNG) -so ‘say, think’. Bugenhagen & Bugenhagen (2007) gloss the Mangap sentence in (26) as both ‘I say that is not good’ and ‘I think that is not good’.

The Äiwoo (TM) verb -kæ/kɒ- is also used in both senses (Næss 2016:48–49):

    • Äiwoo (TM): (Næss 2016:48–49)
      ‘The hermit crab said, “Okay”.’
      demo pæko
      say.ITR hermit.crab say okay
    • Äiwoo (TM): (Næss 2016:48–49)
      ‘What do you think?’
      kɒ-mʷæ idoo
      say.TR-A:2A what

The Äiwoo verb -kæ/kɒ- has a further extension of meaning: it is also used in the sense of ‘want’ (Næss 2016:49):

    • Äiwoo (TM): (Næss 2016:49)
      ‘Where do you want to go?’
      kɒ-mʷæ mi-kuwæ ñɒ?
      say-A:2A S:2A-go where

Verbs of speaking in a number of Oceanic languages are also used in the sense of ‘want’ or ‘intend’, as the following sentence examples show.

    • Kele (Adm): (Ross 2002f:139)
      ‘I wish(ed)/intend(ed) to go.’
      yu u-pe k-u-le
      D:1S S:1S-say IRR-S:1S-go
    • Yabem (NNG): (Streicher 1982:35)
      ‘I want to do it.’
      ae ga-be ya-ᵑgom
      D:1S S:1S-say S:1S-IRR:do
    • Lamen (NCV): (Early 2002b:680)
      ‘I want to go.’
      ne-vere ne-va
      S:1S-IRR:say S:1S-IRR:go

The hallmark of this construction in the last three examples is that when the verb of saying is used in this sense, it is followed by an irrealis complement.16

Intuitively it seems likely that the sequence of extensions was ‘say’ > ‘think’ > ‘want’/ ‘intend’, but the evidence is insufficient to test this.

It seems likely that at least POc *pʷa, *pʷai- ‘say, tell’ and *pʷaca(q), *pʷaca(q)i- ‘speak, say’ were used in these senses. It might be argued that in the ‘think’ and ‘want’/‘intend’ senses, these are no longer speech act verbs, as nothing is actually uttered. However, the extensions of meaning occur precisely because speakers apprehend thinking and wanting as unuttered speech.

The following list of examples where ‘say’ can also mean ‘think’ or ‘want’/‘intend’ is expanded from that given in vol.5:544. A number of these verbs are listed in the cognate sets in §12.3.1.

Adm Baluan pʷa [VT] ‘say, express, think
Adm Lou pa [VT] ‘say, want
Adm Nyindrou aña think, say
Adm Kele pe say, wish, intend
NNG Yabem -be say, want, will, desire, like, mean, think, intend
NNG Numbami -ᵑgo say, scold (s.o.), tell (s.t.), talk (to s.o.), intend (to do s.t.)
NNG Bariai oaga think, say
NNG Kaulong vo talk, say, speak; suppose, intend
NNG Mangap -so say, speak, communicate, talk, tell; think
NNG Kairiru wot say; intend, wish
PT Iamalele vo say, think’; (= C)
MM Nakanai vei think, opine, talk, tell, say
MM Sursurunga ŋo- say, think
MM Teop boha think, say
SES Gela ne say, think
SES To’aba’ita sore- say, think
SES Kwaio ili- say, tell, think
TM Äiwoo -kæ, kɒ- [VI,VT] ‘say, want
NCV Lamen vere say, want

It is noted that expressions like ‘I want/hope/wish’ sometimes take the form of a body-part metaphor like those described in volume 5, ch.9. This metaphor is literally translatable as ‘my insides say’. Examples are:

  1. (Ross, field notes)
    • Takia (NNG)
      ‘I want…’
      ilo-g i-bol…
      insides-P:1S S:3S-say

7. Conclusion

In the foregoing sections 22 POc speech act verbs have been reconstructed, along with two PWOc, six PEOc, four PPn and one each for PSES, PNCV and PCP. In making this count only a cognate set’s highest-order reconstruction has been counted. Reconstructions at levels older than POc have been ignored.

These numbers are low in comparison with the multiplicity of speech act verbs in the Fijian languages or in English, a fact accounted for by paucity of data17 and the presence of numerous compound speech act expressions in some, perhaps many, Oceanic languages (§12.1.3). Gaps in the data prevent us making a more specific generalisation. In the discussion of compound expressions in §12.3.5 we noted that PEOc perhaps had a compound speech act expression for ‘promise’ consisting of the verbs ‘say’ and ‘put’. Further research would probably lead to further findings of this kind.

We have also examined the grammatical behaviour of speech act verbs (§12.1.2), and seen that the same verb used with different grammatical constructions may have distinct senses. Understanding this behaviour and its grammaticalisation allows us to recognise that at least some complementisers are derived from verbs (§12.2).

Reconstructable expressive verbs—verbs, that is, that need no complement as they express propositional meaning themselves—include some of the normal interactions of any human conversation: replying (§12.4.1), talking behind someone’s back (§12.4.4), abusing them (§12.4.5) and lying to them (§12.4.6). But telling stories (§12.4.2), calling out a greeting (§12.4.3.1), calling to attract attention (§12.4.3.2) and shouting loudly (§12.5) reflect the essentially oral communication of traditional Oceanic societies.

The data in §12.6 support the possibility that POc report verbs were in some cases also used in the senses ‘think, opine’ and ‘want, intend’.

Notes